military budget
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2021 ◽  
pp. 85-133
Author(s):  
Michael E. O’Hanlon

This chapter discusses wargaming, combat modeling, and simulation, as well as force sizing and other issues related to military operations and warfighting scenarios. It argues that the ultimate purpose of wargaming and modeling is to help a country like the United States decide what kind of military, and military budget, it needs — as well as when and how to decide to use force. The chapter examines simple models of combat, starting with Lanchester equations, derived by a British engineer early in the twentieth century. However, they do not account well for most types of modern warfare, so the chapter shifts to other models and emphasizes an approach modified from that of the late Trevor Dupuy, focused on air-ground combat. The chapter also studies naval combat, including amphibious assault, blockade operations, and nuclear exchange calculations. Ultimately, it concludes with a framework for analyzing progress, or the lack thereof, in counterinsurgency operations like those in Iraq and Afghanistan.



Author(s):  
Svetlana Babich

The article features a brief evaluation of the US military power based on the current level of expenses on defense.  A multifaceted analysis of the structure of the US military budget and its transformation during D. Trump’s and J. Biden’s administrations is presented, as well as its potential impact on the national debt and budget deficit of the US. The article argues that military spending remained a priority in federal budget expenses during Trump’s presidency and continues to remain one of the most crucial budget priorities for J. Biden’s administration.  The US reallocations of the military budget towards such expenses as “Research and Development” “Operation and Maintenance” which the Trump administration put into action allowed to continue the process of optimizing military forces to increase its combatant efficiency while limiting the burden of these expenses on US economy. The same practice is being conducted by J. Biden’s administration. The course of cutting taxes, while increasing defense spending during D. Trump lead to a 5-times increase of the budget deficit and a significant increase of the national debt, its 5 year payments will likely exceed the size of the US defense budget. The author concludes that Joe Biden’s administration is facing a challenging objective of supporting the economy's recovery after the Covid-19 pandemic and stabilizing the federal budget deficit, as well as national debt level.   



2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 774-785
Author(s):  
Imtiaz Arif ◽  
Lubna Khan ◽  
Syed Ali Raza

Purpose This study aims to investigate the effect of corruption on military expenditures in three income level countries. An annual data series of 97 countries covering high-income, middle-income, and low-income regions from 1997 to 2015 is used. Design/methodology/approach The cross-sectional dependency and integration property of the data series was checked before applying the generalized method of moments approach to test the model. Findings The results of the system generalized method of moments approach suggest that corruption increases the military budget of high-income countries, whereas corruption reduces the military budget of the middle- and low-income countries. Originality/value This paper offers some substantial implications for the policymakers of each income group to curb corruption and improve economic development.



Author(s):  
Dionysios Chourchoulis

This chapter examines the development of the defence policies of Greece, Cyprus, and Albania. Worried about Turkey’s pressure and perceived revisionist goals mainly in the Aegean Sea, Greece has maintained powerful armed forces since the end of the cold war. Greek–Turkish tension has been eased, while Greece has reorganized the Hellenic Armed Forces and contributes a NATO Rapid Deployable Corps (the NRDC-GR), but it has significantly reduced its military budget. Along with Cyprus, which always seeks to hold a minimal balance of forces in the divided island, it faces additional challenges emanating from endemic instability in the wider region. A recent development of great significance was the establishment of a Greek–Cypriot–Israeli political and military cooperation. As for Albania, during the 1990s its small military apparatus virtually collapsed, but since the early 2000s the country has eventually opted for NATO membership (officially joining the alliance in 2009), and the Albanian Armed Forces has launched an ambitious modernization programme.



Author(s):  
Moses Metumara Duruji ◽  
Sunday Idowu ◽  
Okachukwu Dibia ◽  
Favour U. Duruji-Moses

This chapter examines the relationship between the components of defense spending, the fight against insurgency in Nigeria, particularly Boko Haram in the Northeast, and its impact on the politics and economics of the country for the period 2009-2017. The long duration of military rule in Nigeria contributed significantly to under-developing the military, a strategy by the military men in power to secure their hold on power. Added to this was the general poor performance of the military administrations in Nigeria that suppressed civil society in the country. Consequently, the widening of political space when the country transited to democracy in 1999 opened up the space for bottled-up agitations that gave rise to ethnic and religious sect militias propagating diverse agendas. One of such is the Boko Haram which waged an insurgency against Nigeria in the northeast region of the country. To tackle the challenge, the budget for the military was increased. The chapter also discusses the military budget as a result of the counter insurgency, its management in the prosecution of the war against Boko Haram, and its impact on the Nigerian economy.



Author(s):  
Sebak Kumar Jana ◽  
Asim Kumar Karmakar ◽  
Adwaita Maiti

The debate regarding the relationship between military expenditure and economic growth especially in the context of developing countries is an old one. There is apparent conflict within government budgets between education expenditure and military expenditure. The military budget of the India is that part of budget allocated for the funding of the Indian armed forces. This military budget finances salaries of employees and training costs, maintenance of equipment and facilities, support of new or ongoing operations, development and procurement of new weapons, equipment, vehicles, etc. The chapter explores the relationship among GDP, military expenditure, and education expenditure in India. The time series analysis reveals that there is long-run causality running from education expenditure and military expenditure to GDP. The study also reveals that there is short run causality running from military expenditure to GDP.





TRIKONOMIKA ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Ratni Heliati ◽  
Intan Putri Wandiva

Conflict became one of the biggest problems in the Middle East region. This situation will deteriorated the country and will impact on economic perfomance, so defense budget is important to resolve these problems. This study aims to determine the effect of military budget on economic perfomance in 22 countries of the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia 2000-2014 period. This study uses 5 variables namely GDP per capita, military budget, gross capital formation, human capital and final consumption expenditure. This study uses panel data analysis with fixed effect model. The results of model estimation suggest that military budget has a significant negative effect on economic perfomance, while gross capital formation, final consumption expenditure have significant positive effect on economic perfomance. Meanwhile, human capital  does not have significant effect on economic perfomance in 22 countries. 



Author(s):  
Rosemary Foot

Like the study of China itself, theorists of power transition have lately experienced a resurgence of interest in their arguments. As China has emerged as the world’s second-largest economy, with the second-largest military budget, and has become more assertive internationally under a seemingly more powerful president, the picture painted is one of growing morbidity: war between China, the putative rising dissatisfied power, and the United States, the declining hegemon, has allegedly become highly probable. This chapter critiques these arguments and highlights the restraints on conflict that generally are given insufficient attention in power transition approaches that deal with the Sino-American relationship. The chapter argues that historical awareness among leaders, state agency, and complex economic trends that are central to the understanding of this hybrid world order, together with the domestic preoccupations of these two central protagonists, are factors that work to inhibit the outbreak of war.



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