scholarly journals Participation of the Roman Catholic Church in the Public Debate about Legal Regulations on In Vitro Fertilisation in Poland in 2007-2015. Selected Aspects of Religious, Political and Media Discourse

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020(41) (4) ◽  
pp. 69-79
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Jacek Przybyłek ◽  

In publication, which is about public discourse, done analyze case polish Roman Catholic Church, as a social actor which participate in permanent dispute about law regulations about in vitro fertilization in VI and VII cadency of polish first house parliament. Done comparison religious, political and media discourse.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-52
Author(s):  
Magdalena Debita

The article presents the issue of state participation in the financing of couples’ infertility treatment with in vitro fertilization. The author emphasizes that highly interesting topic of clinics recommended for infertility treatment has not been sufficiently developed. This subject is systematically developed in the public discourse, but the society, which still remains divided in the matter of state and municipal government participation in the funding of couples' infertility treatment with in vitro. The author presents the evolution of Ministry’s of Health In Vitro Fertilisation Programmes which came under the governance of the Law and Justice party (PiS) in 2016.


Author(s):  
Charles Dorn

This chapter focuses on Georgetown College, the founding of which seems characterized by a collection of inconsistencies. The most intriguing incongruity associated with Georgetown's establishment is that although the Jesuit order of the Roman Catholic Church founded the institution to educate young men to enter religious life—in essence, to prepare them for seminary—the college practiced religious tolerance and admitted students from a variety of Christian denominations. Consequently, few graduates entered the priesthood. As for the institution's educational purpose, the first prospectus declared a dedication to advancing the common good. The most compelling aspect of Georgetown's prospectus is the way it asserted the institution's commitment to advancing the public good through promoting “the grand interests of society.” Manifesting the same social ethos of civic-mindedness, its officials aimed to educate graduates who would better society through their life pursuits.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-390
Author(s):  
Verónica Giménez Béliveau

This article examines contemporary orthodox or traditionalist communities that have emerged within the heart of Argentinean Catholicism. The discussion aims to contribute to current debates concerning global religious citizenships in relation to orthodox or traditionalist Catholic communities. Vigorously promoted by Pope John Paul II and now Benedict XVI, such conservative communities have exceeded the nation-state boundaries in which they have arisen and, using global resources from diverse international networks within the Roman Catholic church, they work hard to expand still further throughout the globe. Conservative Catholic communities, which ground their activities in the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965), have found in Argentina conditions particularly favorable for growth. While Argentinean Catholics who participate in such groups are still a clear minority, they currently enjoy a visibility in the public sphere and recognized space within the Catholic church. As they justify their expansion, the communities redefine both the goal and the appropriate territories for missionization. The construction of Catholic community draws on perceptions of a memory of Christianity that go beyond national loyalties, generating for participants new worldviews and forms of sociability within the frame of a “renewed” Catholicism.


Via Latgalica ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Vladislavs Malahovskis

The aim of the paper is to reflect the political activities of the Roman Catholic Church in two periods of the history of Latvia and the Roman Catholic Church in Latvia – in the period of First Independence of the Republic of Latvia, basically in the 1920s, and in the period following the restoration of Latvia’s independence. With the foundation of the independent state of Latvia, the Roman Catholic Church experienced several changes; - bishops of the Roman Catholic Church were elected from among the people; - the Riga diocese was restored the administrative borders of which were coordinated with the borders of the state of Latvia; - priests of the Roman Catholic Church were acting also in political parties and in the Latvian Parliament. For the Church leadership, active involvement of clergymen in politics was, on the one hand, a risky undertaking (Francis Trasuns’ experience), but, on the other hand, a necessary undertaking, since in this way the Roman Catholic Church attempted to exercise control over politicians and also affect the voters in the elections for the Saeima. The status of the Church in the State of Latvia was legally secured by the concordat signed in the spring of 1922 which provided for a range of privileges to the Roman Catholic Church: - other Christian denominations in Latvia are functioning in accordance with the regulations elaborated by the State Control and confirmed by the Ministry of the Interior, but the Roman Catholic Church is functioning according to the canons set by the Vatican; - releasing the priests from military service, introduction of the Chaplaincy Institution; - releasing the churches, seminary facilities, bishops’ apartments from taxes; - a license for the activity of Roman Catholic orders; - the demand to deliver over one of the church buildings belonging to Riga Evangelical Lutherans to the Roman Catholics. With the regaining of Latvia’s independence, the Roman Catholic Church of Latvia again took a considerable place in the formation of the public opinion and also in politics. However, unlike the parliamentarian period of the independent Latvia, the Roman Catholic Church prohibited the priests to involve directly in politics and considered it unadvisable to use the word “Christian” in the titles of political parties. Nowadays, the participation of the Roman Catholic Church in politics is indirect. The Church is able to influence the public opinion, and actually it does. The Roman Catholic Church does not attempt to grasp power, but to a certain extent it can, at least partly, influence the authorities so that they count with the interests of Catholic believers. Increase of popularity of the Roman Catholic Church in the world facilitated also the increase of the role of the Roma Catholic Church in Latvia. The visit of the Pope in Latvia in 1993 was a great event not only for the Catholic believers but also for the whole state of Latvia. In the autumn of 2002, in Rome, a concordat was signed between the Republic of Latvia and the Vatikan which is to be classified not only as an agreement between the Roman Catholic Church in Latvia and the state of Latvia but also as an international agreement. Since the main foreign policy aim of Latvia is integration in the European Union and strengthening its positions on the international arena, Vatican as a powerful political force was and still is a sound guarantee and support in international relations.


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heike Behrend

AbstractTaking as my example a lay organisation of the Roman Catholic Church, the Uganda Martyrs Guild, which entered the public domain in western Uganda in the 1990s and started to organise witch and cannibal hunts, I offer two arguments to the ongoing debate on the rise of occult forces in Africa. First, against the tendency to find the origin of the rise of occult forces in the invisible hand of capital, I relate the dramatic activation and rise of occult forces in Africa to the large increase in death rates caused by the AIDS epidemic (and to a lesser extent local wars). Although various scholars have shown in detail that in Africa contemporary Christianity has not put an end to witchcraft and the occult, but instead provided a new context in which they make perfect sense, they missed the point that precisely the fight against the occult reproduces and strengthens the 'enemy'. As I try to show, Christian anti-witchcraft movements are instrumental in reinstating the occult powers they fight against.


Horizons ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine E. Gudorf

AbstractThis article will outline a feminist interpretation for responses of the Roman Catholic Church to particular events in modern history, and sketch feminist proposals for solving the resulting problems of the Church today. The first section interprets the Church's initial response to scientific and philosophic discoveries and movements of the late Renaissance and the Enlightenment period as responsible for the feminization of the image of Roman Catholicism in the secular mind. The second section interprets the Church's response to liberalism in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as confirming for the secular, and increasingly popular, mind this feminine image of Catholicism. The third section depicts Vatican II as a contemporary attempt to create a more masculine image for the faith by moving the Church's sphere of action from the feminized private sector to the public world characterized by masculine rationality and technology. The final section sketches some ways in which modern feminist scholarship and its perspective can be a major and necessary contributor to the eradication of this feminine view of religion through the elimination of public/private dualism.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-364
Author(s):  
Kristin Norget

This article explores new political practices of the Roman Catholic Church by means of a close critical examination of the beatification of the Martyrs of Cajonos, two indigenous men from the Mexican village of San Francisco Cajonos, Oaxaca, in 2002. The Church’s new strategy to promote an upsurge in canonizations and beatifications forms part of a “war of images,” in Serge Gruzinski’s terms, deployed to maintain apparently peripheral populations within the Church’s central paternalistic fold of social and moral authority and influence, while at the same time as it must be seen to remain open to local cultures and realities. In Oaxaca and elsewhere, this ecclesiastical technique of “emplacement” may be understood as an attempt to engage indigenous-popular religious sensibilities and devotion to sacred images while at the same time implicitly trying to contain them, weaving their distinct local historical threads seamlessly into the fabric of a global Catholic history.


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