Organizing Communities to Prevent the Sale of Tobacco Products to Minors

1992 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Michael Cummings ◽  
Karen Coogan

In New York State, it is illegal to sell tobacco products to persons under the age of eighteen. A 1989 survey of 120 retail stores in Erie County, New York, found that 82 percent sold cigarettes illegally to fourteen and fifteen year olds. In an effort to address this problem, Project SCAN (Stop Children's Addiction to Nicotine) was launched by Roswell Park Cancer Institute in the Spring of 1990. Project SCAN had three objectives: 1) to increase public awareness of the problem of youth tobacco use; 2) to educate merchants about the tobacco access law to promote voluntary compliance; and 3) to encourage local law enforcement agencies to enforce the access law. This article describes our experience in implementing Project SCAN including strategies used to recruit volunteers to deliver merchant education materials, reaction of merchants to the program, and the involvement of local police departments in enforcement efforts. Case examples describing how Project SCAN has been implemented in two communities illustrate the importance of community participation and law enforcement in the success of the program.

2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Earl ◽  
Sarah Soule

Existing explanations of repression and the policing of protest focus on the interests of political elites, with research indicating that a chief predictor of state repression is the level of threat protesters pose to elite interests. However, prior research has only paid sporadic attention to how the institutional and organizational characteristics of local law enforcement agencies shape the character of protest policing. This article addresses this significant theoretical gap by developing a police-centered, or "blue," approach to protest policing. Using data on the policing of public protest events in New York State between 1968 and 1973, this article finds support for the blue approach. Specifically, the situational threats posed by protesters to those agents who actually perform repression-local police-are critical predictors of police presence and action. Results also show some residual support for the role of elite threats in structuring repression.


Author(s):  
Noah Tsika

American police departments have presided over the business of motion pictures since the end of the nineteenth century. Their influence is evident not only on the screen but also in the ways movies are made, promoted, and viewed in the United States. Screening the Police explores the history of film’s entwinement with law enforcement, showing the role that state power has played in the creation and expansion of a popular medium. For the New Jersey State Police in the 1930s, film offered a method of visualizing criminality and of circulating urgent information about escaped convicts. For the New York Police Department, the medium was a means of making the agency world famous as early as 1896. Beat cops became movie stars. Police chiefs made their own documentaries. And from Maine to California, state and local law enforcement agencies regularly fingerprinted filmgoers for decades, amassing enormous records as they infiltrated theaters both big and small. Understanding the scope of police power in the United States requires attention to an aspect of film history that has long been ignored. Screening the Police reveals the extent to which American cinema has overlapped with the politics and practices of law enforcement. Today, commercial filmmaking is heavily reliant on public policing—and vice versa. How such a working relationship was forged and sustained across the long twentieth century is the subject of this book.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (6-7) ◽  
pp. 536-560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cynthia Lum ◽  
Heather Vovak

Arrest for minor offenses has become one tool that some police departments employ to fight crime and disorder in their jurisdictions. Dubbed by some as “broken windows” or “zero tolerance” policing, a few police agencies in the 1990s and 2000s notably and significantly increased their use of arrest for such misdemeanors, such as New York City and Baltimore. But was this the case for other law enforcement agencies in the United States? Our analysis is the first to examine long-term trends in the use of misdemeanor arrests in a sample of U.S. law enforcement agencies using group-based trajectory modeling. Results show that police agencies have distinct longitudinal patterns of use of arrests for minor crimes from 1990 to 2013; some agencies significantly increased their use of arrests for minor crimes while others did not. Further analysis of possible explanations for agency membership in any given longitudinal trajectory found that agencies with similar patterns in their use of misdemeanor arrests were not similar on demographic or crime characteristics. This finding suggests that the decision to increase the use of arrest for minor offenses may have been a policy choice by agencies influenced by factors not detected here.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josh A. Hendrix ◽  
Travis A. Taniguchi ◽  
Kevin J. Strom ◽  
Kelle A. Barrick ◽  
Nicole J. Johnson

This study examines the relationship between police-community racial asymmetry and the use of surveillance technology by local law enforcement. The data come from a nationally representative survey of law enforcement agencies, with supplementary information provided by the Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics Survey, the Census, and the Uniform Crime Reports. Results indicate that police departments that underrepresent African Americans in the community are more likely to use or plan to implement surveillance technology, controlling for a range of agency-and contextual-level factors. One potential explanation for these findings is that surveillance technology operates as a form of social control that is differentially applied to racial minorities to manage what is perceived to be a greater proclivity toward criminal behavior. The implications of these findings are discussed.


SLEEP ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. A120-A120
Author(s):  
Lisa Endee ◽  
Russell Rozensky ◽  
Stephen Smith

Abstract Introduction An important risk factor for drowsy driving is shift work, and law enforcement, an occupation known for its atypical work schedules, is a highly vulnerable occupation. A connection between fatigue and unintentional injuries among police officers has been observed (Vila, 2006), but data supporting the connection is limited. Understanding how sleep and lifestyle practices impact this population’s driving performance and job safety is critical to officer safety. Methods An online survey was disseminated to New York State law enforcement agencies by the Governor’s Traffic Safety Committee to assess sleep health and lifestyle practices among law enforcement personnel. Statistical analysis included data cleaning, basic and advanced statistical testing. Results 7,366 survey invitations were distributed, 1,171 were returned (15.9% response rate), and after data cleaning, 1,038 surveys were included in the analysis. Respondents reported from various state, county, and local agencies, holding titles from Police Officer to Senior Management. More than 30% of officers reported driving 5 hours or more during their shift, with 12% driving greater than 7 hours. 65% of respondents reported having experienced drowsy driving. Although, 34% reported never having received education about drowsy driving. On work days, only 40% of respondents obtain 7 hours of sleep or more. On days off, 23.6% reported sleeping 6 hours or less. Work, stress, and family responsibilities were reported as having a significant impact on sleep. Almost 87% reported at least one medical issue. Daytime sleepiness (47.4%), fatigue (42.6%), and poor memory (26.8%) were reported daily. Only 23.8% and 29.3% of respondents received education on sleep or heart health, respectively. The majority (81.7%) reported they would consider education in a variety of health-related programs. Conclusion Our findings indicate that poor sleep (60%), high stress (22.7%), and anxiety (16.8%) are a concern amongst officers. Poor cardiovascular health was also noted, based on reports of obesity (34.1%), high blood pressure (23.5%), and high cholesterol (22.4%). This research supports the need for prioritizing health education programs within law enforcement agencies. Support (if any) Funded by The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration with a grant from The New York State Governor’s Traffic Safety Committee.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amada Armenta

Deporting “criminal aliens” has become the highest priority in American immigration enforcement. Today, most deportations are achieved through the “crimmigration” system, a term that describes the convergence of the criminal justice and immigration enforcement systems. Emerging research argues that U.S. immigration enforcement is a “racial project” that subordinates and racializes Latino residents in the United States. This article examines the role of local law enforcement agencies in the racialization process by focusing on the techniques and logics that drive law enforcement practices across two agencies, I argue that local law enforcement agents racialize Latinos by punishing illegality through their daily, and sometimes mundane, practices. Investigatory traffic stops put Latinos at disproportionate risk of arrest and citation, and processing at the local jail subjects unauthorized immigrants to deportation. Although a variety of local actors sustain the deportation system, most do not see themselves as active participants in immigrant removal and they explain their behavior through a colorblind ideology. This colorblind ideology obscures and naturalizes how organizational practices and laws converge to systematically criminalize and punish Latinos in the United States.


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