scholarly journals Evil Raised to Its Highest Power. The Philosophy of the Counter-Enlightenment, a Project of Intellectual Management of the Revolutionary Violence

Author(s):  
Flavien Bertran de Balanda
Philosophy ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 60 (231) ◽  
pp. 47-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. A. J. Coady

There is a strong tendency in the scholarly and sub-scholarly literature on terrorism to treat it as something like an ideology. There is an equally strong tendency to treat it as always immoral. Both tendencies go hand in hand with a considerable degree of unclarity about the meaning of the term ‘terrorism’. I shall try to dispel this unclarity and I shall argue that the first tendency is the product of confusion and that once this is understood, we can see, in the light of a more definite analysis of terrorism, that the second tendency raises issues of inconsistency, and even hypocrisy. Finally, I shall make some tentative suggestions about what categories of target may be morally legitimate objects of revolutionary violence, and I shall discuss some lines of objection to my overall approach.


2009 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathieu Robitaille

The conception of revolution was changed drastically by the French Revolution of 1789 from its original use in astronomy to imply a return to a previous state of being. Henceforth, revolution came to signify a drastic rupture with past practices. For French and English liberals in post-Napoleonic Europe, the word revolution also became loaded with negative connotations associated with the French Revolution’s radical turn from 1792 to 1794, and the fear of popular violence. My paper examines and compares how the stigma associated with the French Revolution influenced the discourse of change in France and England, and how the fear of revolutionary violence influenced the actions of both governments.


1979 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall Hansis

On December 1, 1920, General Álvaro Obregón of Sonora became President of Mexico. During the previous May, his supporters had staged a popular coup d'etat which paved the way for his constitutional election. Mexico was then in the throes of revolutionary ferment, and the instability which had accompanied Obregón's ascendancy to Executive Office also threatened to attend his demise. Obregón thus sought to achieve political and social reforms which would strengthen his regime and allow for a peaceful Presidential succession in 1924. As the major institution of coercion during a time of revolutionary violence, the Army had emerged as the most important political institution in Mexico. Although part of a broader political effort which included labor, agrarian and administrative reforms, Obregón's military reconstruction can be viewed as the important keystone in his attempt to consolidate control of Mexico. Obregón’s military reforms sought to insure, first, Army loyalty to the office of President, and, second, military effectiveness when the Army would be called upon to defend the Federal Government. His reforms grew out of the Agua Prieta movement of May 1920, and continued throughout his own administration. As President, Obregón gave intensive attention to military affairs and his military reforms were the most significant achievement of his broadly based effort to consolidate the Mexican Revolution.


Author(s):  
Niall Whelehan

This chapter explores different types of revolutionary violence adopted by Irish nationalists in Ireland and the Irish diaspora in the nineteenth century. Due to the limitations of past rebellions, militant nationalists sought to adopt new strategies that embraced science and modernity. This led to the adoption of an urban-bombing campaign in the 1880s carried out by networks of militants across Ireland, Europe, and the United States. Far from being peculiar to Irish nationalism, these violent strategies found parallels with other revolutionary movements in Europe and the United States.


1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Pilbeam

France has always envied Paris. A popular interpretation of the history of France has been of conflict between the capital and the provinces in which Paris was the victor, at least from the establishment of the system of intendants by Louis XIV in the late seventeenth century. Radical Paris took the lead in the revolutionary upheavals of the 1790s, in 1830, 1848 and 1870–1. The conflict of the 1790s produced civil and foreign war and led to an even greater domination by Paris through the centralizing policies of Napoleon Bonaparte as military dictator. Under his rule and subsequently, all officials - civil, judicial, military, religious and educational - were appointed by the government in Paris. The Council of State was a corner-stone of this policy in the capital, the departmental prefect in the provinces. In 1830 the results of the July Days were acceptable on the whole to the French; but in 1848 provincial France roundly rejected the radical social revolution favoured by intellectuals and artisans in Paris; in 1871 the Commune of Paris was virtually isolated in its decentralizing and social-reforming ambitions and suffered bloody defeat at the hands of the regular army. Apparently, then, 1830 was the last, and perhaps only, time in the nineteenth century that ‘Paris led, France followed.’ Was 1830 so unique, and if so, why? The Revolution of 1830 was unquestionably Parisian, in that events in the capital determined the timing and location of acts of significant revolutionary violence and in that the major political and administrative changes which followed the revolution were enacted in Paris. Should one therefore assume that the provinces were passive, that they had little impact on events? This revolution may neatly illustrate the success with which Louis XIV, Napoleon and others had centralized France, but that conclusion needs to be based on evidence, not assumption. The most recent complete analysis of the revolution concentrated on Paris, but also delineated some aspects of provincial unrest in 1830, making use of the local studies written for the centenary of the revolution. Some provincial and departmental histories describe the events of 1830 and their local impact.


2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-403
Author(s):  
Michaela Bronstein

Author(s):  
Robert A. Karl

This chapter discusses how the Lleras administration's political pardon and agrarian lending program extended to frontier Communists such as Manuel Marulanda an opportunity to restore their rights and livelihoods. Though Latin American historians have concentrated on the grander utopian visions of geopolitical insurgency and revolutionary politics that took shape after the Cuban revolution of 1959, the crux of Colombian politics remained in these local, regional, and national contexts. Moreover, situating peace alongside violence accordingly entails a sweeping reinterpretation of not only Colombian history but also the Latin American 1960s—ostensibly an era of revolutionary violence. A focus on peace reveals a greater coherence to the words and decisions of well-known historical figures such as Marulanda.


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