From Revolutionary Violence to State Violence: the Fāṭimids (297–567/909–1171)

2009 ◽  
pp. 67-83
Author(s):  
Yaacov Lev
Keyword(s):  
State Violence ◽  
Revolutionary Violence

scholarly journals Miguel Nazar Haro y la guerra sucia en México

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Carlos Fernando López de la Torre
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Dirty War ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
Revolutionary Violence

Resumen:Miguel Nazar Haro es recordado como uno de los principales ejecutores de la guerra sucia en México entre las décadas de 1960 y 1980. Partícipe directo en la tortura y desaparición de opositores políticos al régimen, fue además fundador de la Brigada Blanca, organización paramilitar encargada de aniquilar a la guerrilla urbana. El artículo indaga cómo Nazar Haro participó en la lucha del Estado mexicano contra la violencia revolucionaria, atendiendo el ambiente ideológico que justificó la violencia estatal y sus mecanismos de represión.  Palabras clave: México, Miguel Nazar Haro, guerra sucia, contrainsurgencia, tortura.*********************************************************Miguel Nazar Haro and the dirty war in MexicoAbstract:Miguel Nazar is remembered as one of the main actors in the dirty war in the 60’s and 70’s decades. He participated, directly, on the torture and forced disappearance of the regime’s political opposition; he was, also, the founder of the White Squad: a paramilitary organization which was in charge of finishing the urban guerrilla. The article enquires how Nazar Haro took part on the Mexican State’s struggle against the revolutionary violence, attending the ideological atmosphere which was justified the state violence and its mechanism of repression. Key words: Mexico; Miguel Nazar Haro, dirty war, contra insurgency, tortureMiguel Nazar Haro and the dirty war in Mexico.**********************************************************Miguel Nazar Haro e a guerra suja no MéxicoResumo:Miguel Nazar Haro é lembrado como um dos principais executores da guerra suja no México  entre as décadas de 1960 e 1980. Participante direto na tortura e desaparecimento dos opositores  políticos do regime, foi também o fundador da Brigada Blanca, organização paramilitar encarregada de aniquilar à guerrilha urbana. O presente artigo indaga como Nazar Haro participou da luta do Estado mexicano contra a violência revolucionária, atendendo ao ambiente ideológico que justificou a violência estatal e seus mecanismos de repressão.  Palavras chave: México, Miguel Nazar Haro, guerra suja, contrarrevolução, tortura 

Risk, Desire and Adaptation: The Paradox of Queer Solidarity and the Political Possibility of Death Under Neoliberalism and Homonationalism

Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sexual Rights ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Rights Discourse ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Strategy I

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.

Challenging the Terms of Order: Representations of the Detroit Rebellions, 1967–1968

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordan T. Camp
Keyword(s):  
State Violence ◽  
Rapid Expansion ◽  
Capitalist Development ◽  
Civil Structures ◽  
Us History ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Stuart Hall ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City ◽  
John Clarke

While many analysts have commented on the representation of 1968 campus events and antiwar demonstrations, less attention has been paid to the global significance of the dramatic struggles in industrial Detroit during the period. The meanings of events in the city were intensely fought over. As Stuart Hall, Chas Critcher, Tony Jefferson, John Clarke, and Brian Roberts observed, the events of 1968 were “an act of collective will, the breaks and ruptures stemming from the rapid expansion in the ideology, culture and civil structures of the new capitalism . . . in the form of a ‘crisis of authority.’” In Detroit the crisis of authority was expressed in the form of popular political struggles against racism, state violence, and the contradictions of life in the industrial capitalist city. This article asks and answers the following research questions about the struggle over the meaning of this decisive turning point in US history: What was the relationship between racial ordering, uneven capitalist development, and mass antiracist and class struggles? How did Black working-class organic intellectuals resist and alter hegemonic definitions of the situation? How are the dialectics of insurgency and counterinsurgency to be best theorized during this precise historical conjuncture? 

Music and Memory: The Tlatelolco Refrain

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Josh Kun
Keyword(s):  
State Violence ◽  
First Century ◽  
Student Movements ◽  
Octavio Paz ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
The Past ◽  
Rock Bands ◽  
To Come ◽  
Musical Memory ◽  
A Current

Ever since the 1968 student movements and the events surrounding the Tlatelolco massacre, Mexico City rock bands have openly engaged with the intersection of music and memory. Their songs offer audiences a medium through which to come to terms with the events of the past as a means of praising a broken world, to borrow the poet Adam Zagajewski’s phrase. Contemporary songs such as Saúl Hernández’s “Fuerte” are a twenty-first-century voicing of the ceaseless revolutionary spirit that John Gibler has called “Mexico unconquered,” a current of rebellion and social hunger for justice that runs in the veins of Mexican history. They are the latest additions to what we might think about as “the Mexico unconquered songbook”: musical critiques of impunity and state violence that are rooted in the weaponry of memory, refusing to focus solely on the present and instead making connections with the political past. What Octavio Paz described as a “swash of blood” that swept across “the international subculture of the young” during the events in Tlatelolco Plaza on October 2, 1968, now becomes a refrain of musical memory and political consciousness that extends across eras and generations. That famous phrase of Paz’s is a reminder that these most recent Mexican musical interventions, these most recent formations of a Mexican subculture of the young, maintain a historically tested relationship to blood, death, loss, and violence.

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