scholarly journals How nations of former Yugoslavia look on modern Turkey

2012 ◽  
pp. 551-563
Author(s):  
Miroljub Jevtic
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
European Region ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Independent States ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
Modern Turkey ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
Newly Independent States

The states that were created after the breakup of former Yugoslavia in the last decade of the 20th century had long been either part of the Ottoman Empire or in conflict with it. It is all reflected in their relationship with today?s Turkey, the successor of the Ottoman Empire. The author shows how the newly independent states look on Turkey today. Special attention was dedicated to the causes of different views on Turkey. In author?s opinion, it is the basis for mutual understanding and the development of good relations among Balkan States and in the European Region and it is also the condition for peace and stability in Europe (and in the Mediterranean).

Pensée 4: Out with the Old, In with the New

2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred H. Lawson
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Basic Component ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
Local Identities ◽  
Independent States ◽  
Newly Independent States ◽  
Conceptual Revolution

Historical scholarship on Arab nationalism has experienced a conceptual revolution over the last two decades. It is now widely accepted among historians that local identities and loyalties have been crucial components of nationalist thought and action from the very beginning; it is equally well established that the line between nationalism and various elements of Islam is much harder to draw than one might imagine. In addition, there is solid evidence that nationalism across the Arab world took shape, arguably as an unintended consequence, out of sustained interaction among conflicting elite and popular conceptions of political community. Moreover, it turns out to be important to differentiate Arab nationalism as a cluster of ideological principles from Pan-Arabism as a set of diplomatic practices that constituted a basic component of regional statecraft, initially at the time the Ottoman Empire found itself disintegrating and later on as the newly independent states of the Middle East and North Africa experimented with ways to get along simultaneously with one another and with outside powers.

scholarly journals Agreement on Succession Issues - Protection of Private Property / Sporazum o pitanjima sukcesije – zaštita privatne svojine

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
Vladimir Čolović
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Dual Process ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Original Condition ◽  
Successor State ◽  
Private Property Rights ◽  
Bilateral Agreements ◽  
Independent States ◽  
Newly Independent States

After the breakup of Yugoslavia, many problems between the former republics, which among other things concerning the private property of natural and legal persons, are not yet resolved. In this regard, the question arises, how the state will guarantee the protection of private property. All former Yugoslav republics signed the Agreement on Succession Issues June 29, 2001, which stipulates that all newly independent states in the former Yugoslavia are the successor states. The agreement contains seven annexes and three appendices. The Agreement regulates the distribution of movable and immovable federal property, status of assets outside the territory of the successor states of the former Yugoslavia, finance, archives, etc. The paper specifically analyzes the Annex G which refers to the issue of private property. In Annex G is defined that the private property of the natural and legal persons will be protected by the successor states. All rights concerning to the private property, if possible, will be returned in its original condition by the successor state, irrespective of nationality, domicile or head office of the said persons. This paper also discusses the respect of vested rights, the contents of the private property rights, the necessity of the conclusion of specific bilateral agreements between the former Yugoslav republics, as well as a dual process of resolving the above issues.

scholarly journals KEY CONCEPTS OF SERBIAN RULERS ON THE ISSUE OF THE ALLIANCE OF THE BALKAN STATES AND PEOPLES FROM 1860 TO 1912

2021 ◽  
pp. 159-171
Author(s):  
DRAGAN ĐUKANOVIĆ
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
The 19Th Century

Since the middle of the 19th century, ideas related to the mutual rapprochement of the Balkan states and the creation of their broader associations have appeared within the ruling circles in Serbia. In that sense, the author analyzes the concepts of the Balkan unions of the rulers from the Serbian dynasty Obrenović (Prince Mihailo, King Milan and King Aleksandar), as well as King Petar I Karađorđević starting from 1860 to 1912. These concepts of the Balkan alliance, whether they were autochthonous or otherwise the result of the influence of the leading political factors of the then European order, did not have a significant foothold in the then public of Serbia. However, at the beginning of the 20th century, the concept of a transient inclusive Balkan alliance aiming to liberate certain parts of the Balkans from the Ottoman Empire prevailed, and after its success in 1912, it was modified by the abandonment of Bulgaria. Also, despite the undoubtedly unfavorable international influences and the aspiration of the Balkan states to round up their ethnic territories, there was no genuine possibility to realize the concept of Balkan interstate solidarity during the second half of the 19th century.

Spies in Ancient Greece

1998 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. Richmond
Keyword(s):  
Ancient Greece ◽  
Strategic Plan ◽  
Ancient World ◽  
Military Policy ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Independent States ◽  
The Mediterranean

This paper is written to give some account of the part played by secret agents against foreign states. Only in the most incidental way will it mention secret agents who tried to detect internal dissent and conspiracy. Plato thought that all Greek states were in a permanent state of war, declared or undeclared. Even in modern times no two independent states have totally identical interests, and when negotiating about clashes of interests, in peacetime just as in war, any government will seek a position in which it can keep its own secrets and discern those of the opposing side. We know very little of Greek spying in time of peace. When diplomacy failed, Greek states could have recourse to war to attain their objectives. War requires some strategic plan of intended operations. In modern conditions many experts must have a hand in devising the plan, and it must be prepared well in advance. In the ancient world things were simpler. One wonders how many Carthaginians knew, or had to know, that Hannibal intended to march round the Mediterranean and attack Italy. Certainly he took the Romans by surprise. The execution of the plan is best entrusted so far as possible to a single commander, even in modern times. We know next to nothing about how military policy was determined in peacetime, but we have a little more information about conditions in times of war.

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