National Labor Relations Act. Supervisory Employees Entitled to Representation by Independent Union as Collective Bargaining Unit

1947 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 214
Keyword(s):  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Labor Relations ◽  
Bargaining Unit ◽  
National Labor Relations Act ◽  
Independent Union

The Effect of Hospital Bargaining Unit Structure on Industrial Relations Outcomes

ILR Review ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 573-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua L. Schwarz ◽  
Karen S. Koziara
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Labor Relations ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Bargaining Unit ◽  
National Labor Relations Act ◽  
Unit Structure ◽  
Work Assignment

Since the passage of the 1974 Health Care Amendments to the National Labor Relations Act, an implicit premise of public policy has been that multiple bargaining units in hospitals would lead to an increased incidence of wage leapfrogging, jurisdictional disputes, and strikes. This examination of two sets of hospitals in 1988, which had bargaining units ranging in number from zero to ten, finds little support for these assumed relationships. Only hospitals with five or six units had wage settlements that were higher than in hospitals with one unit, and then only for two of six occupations studied. Only hospitals with three or four units had more work assignment disputes than hospitals with one unit. Hospitals with four, six, or seven units averaged one more strike than hospitals with one unit over the 1980–88 period, but strikes per contract were higher only for hospitals with six units.

The Return of Judicial Repression: What Has Happened to the Strike?

The Forum ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Rhomberg
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Labor Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
National Labor Relations Act ◽  
Current State ◽  
Class Power ◽  
The Right ◽  
American Labor

Discussions of the current state of American labor have overlooked the fact that the strike, a principal form of union and working class power, has virtually disappeared from American life. The rise of an anti-union institutional legal regime has undermined the right to strike and effectively reversed the structure of incentives for collective bargaining envisioned under the National Labor Relations Act. The dynamics of the current regime are illustrated by one of the largest and longest strikes of recent decades, the 1995 Detroit Newspapers strike. The consequences go beyond unionized labor and constitute a de-democratization of workplace governance in the United States.

Contesting the Great Compression: The National Labor Relations Board and Skilled Workers’ Struggle to Control Wage Differentials, 1935–1955

2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-213
Author(s):  
BRYANT ETHERIDGE
Keyword(s):  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Wage Differentials ◽  
Labor Relations ◽  
Wage Structure ◽  
Bargaining Unit ◽  
Labor Policy ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
National Labor Relations Board ◽  
Craft Unions ◽  
Industrial Unions

Abstract:This article argues that federal labor policy was a factor in causing the Great Compression, the dramatic compression of skill-based wage differentials that occurred in the 1940s, and in bringing it to an end. By giving the National Labor Relations Board the power to determine the appropriate collective-bargaining unit, New Dealers gave industrial unions the means with which to build a more egalitarian wage structure. Unskilled and semiskilled workers seized the opportunity and voted themselves big pay raises. Skilled craftsmen responded by petitioning the NLRB for permission to form their own craft bargaining units, a process known as “craft severance.” As conservatives gained influence in Washington in the 1940s, the board adopted a bargaining-unit policy more favorable to craft unions. By the early 1950s, skilled craftsmen had regained control of their wage demands and thereby helped bring the Great Compression to a halt.

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