Teaching Sociology: Comparing Undergraduate Curricula in the United States and in English Canada

1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil Guppy ◽  
A. Bruce Arai
2005 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 236-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael DeCesare

A neglected part of the history of teaching sociology is the history of teaching high school sociology. The American Sociological Association's centennial in 2005 affords sociologists an opportunity to reflect on the teaching of sociology–anywhere and everywhere that it happens. In the spirit of contributing to the history of teaching sociology in the United States, this paper outlines the roughly 95-year history of the teaching of high school sociology. I rely upon published course descriptions written by high school sociology teachers and empirical studies conducted by academic sociologists. They demonstrate that past high school sociology courses have focused primarily on examining social problems and current events, and on promoting citizenship education. This remains the case today. I offer several reasons why the courses have looked as they have over the past 95 years, and conclude with four predictions about the future of teaching high school sociology.


2015 ◽  
Vol 101 ◽  
pp. 63-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jyoti Puri

This article addresses the limits of teaching sociology as a Eurocentric modernist discipline in the context of the postcolonial present. Living in a transnational and globalized world makes the most basic and fundamental sociological concepts woefully delimiting, since they are ahistoricized and universalized terms rooted in a very specific modernist life-world. Words such as ‘individual,’ ‘self,’ ‘society,’ and ‘social’ are used routinely in everyday parlance as if their meanings are self-evident. This is not surprising given that scholarship and undergraduate teaching in the United States have also rendered them as generic, self-evident words without unraveling them reflectively as concepts, much like the ways in which ‘nation,’ ‘state,’ ‘gender,’ ‘race,’ ‘ethnicity,’ ‘sexuality,’ ‘citizen,’ ‘immigrant,’ ‘migrant,’ and ‘other,’ have been shown to reflect particular modern, liberal understandings. What scholarly, disciplinary and pedagogical challenges are faced when notions such as the ‘individual’ and ‘self’ are interrogated in the classroom from transnational and postcolonial perspectives? Writing from the standpoint of an immigrant feminist sociologist teaching in liberal arts colleges in northeast United States, I reflect on strategies that draw students toward a critical engagement with sociology while coming to grips with subject positions and political and cultural histories that shape such engagements.


1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 597-614
Author(s):  
Tom Truman

This paper reports the making and testing of an attitude scale to be used in measuring toryism-conservatism in both English Canada and the United States (and any other English-speaking country). The fact that the scale is to be used on both sides of the border affects the kinds of items included in the scale, but more of that later.The inspiration for creating the toryism-conservatism scale came from Gad Horowitz's contention that the political cultures of both the United States and English-speaking Canada are Lockean liberal in content, but the English-Canadian political culture is different from the American because it has a “tory streak” which came in with the United Empire Loyalists, the expelled American “tories,” and was reinforced by later immigrations from the United Kingdom.


1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. D. Forbes

AbstractTwenty years’ debate have revealed many weaknesses in the Hartz-Horowitz interpretation of conservatism, liberalism, and socialism in Canada, but it continues to be widely taught, for it provides a simple and appealing explanation for some striking differences between Canadian and American politics. This article argues that the interpretation is best understood as a form of neo-Marxism, that its basic weaknesses are most easily seen by examining its treatment of French Canada, and that its explanation for the exceptional strength of socialism in English Canada, linking socialism to toryism, can be strengthened by linking both socialism and toryism to nationalism.


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