The World Economy after the Cold War

1990 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 96 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Fred Bergsten
1994 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-97
Author(s):  
David Robie

Review of Whose Story? Reporting the Developing World After the Cold War, edited by Jill Spelliscy and Gerald B. Sperling, Calgary, Canada: Detselig Enterprises, 1993. 242 pp. 'I get terribly angry', remarks Daniel Nelson, editor of Gemini News Service, 'when journalists take the phrase, which is completly manufactured, "New World Order"—it's absolutely meaningless. Personally I don't think there is a New World Order. I think we have the same world order, but without the Soviet Union which was never a major part of the world economy. And if you live in Katmandu or Kampala, there is no change.'


Author(s):  
Igor M. Uznarodov

The article considers the issue of the prospects of globalization, which receives ambiguous and contradictory assessments in the expert community and the mass media. Since negative judgments about the future of globalization are mainly based on assessments of the state of the contemporary economy, the article analyzes the trends in the development of the global economy in the context of the stages of globalization. The changes that took place in the world economy are shown, attention to the growth of its unification and uniformity is paid. It is concluded that by the beginning of the 21th century, the successful globalization processes had reached their peak. Then the recession, associated with the two world wars and the emergence of a bipolar world began. After the end of the cold war, a new rise in globalization begins, a single mechanism of the world economy is being formed. In general, it is concluded that the historical context and recent events in the world do not give grounds to talk about the end of globalization. Today, there is only some slowing down of global processes, after which a new recovery should be expected.


Afrika Focus ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 93-115
Author(s):  
Stephanie Vervaet

African warlords, reinforcement or undermining of the historical capitalism? With the end of the Cold War, global economic and political changes made African leaders rearrange their patrimonial politics towards warlord strategies. The aim of this paper is to find out what the influences are of these evolutions for the capitalist world-system. Is warlordism nothing more than a way of surviving for third world countries or does it affect historical capitalism? Is the upsurge of warlords an expression of the crisis of the modem world-economy or is it on the contrary capitalism pur sang? This paper does not provide a conclusive answer to these questions. It is only an attempt to consider warlords in the world-system from diverse perspectives.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Fred Bergsten

1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 61-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrés Serbín

Despite its manifest heterogeneity—linguistic, ethnic and political—and the significant imbalances between nations, the Caribbean Basin has gradually come to be viewed as a distinctive subregion within the Western Hemisphere. This process began during the Cold War when a number of extraregional actors with interests in the region considered it of strategic importance. As in previous phases of its history, the Caribbean found itself defined geopolitically, not only in terms of its potential for conflict but for its significance to external (North American or European) actors as well (Serbín, 1989 and 1991a).More recently, changes on the international scene (the end of the Cold War and recognition of the increasing interdependence of the world economy) have begun to alter these old perceptions and ways of dealing with the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mobashir Naeem Siddiqui, Dr. Rani Erum

International Monitory System during the Cold War shifted from gold standard to US dollar. Since then global economy depends not only on USA but also its designed financial system. White House controlled the world economy by valuing and devaluing its own green bucks. Other economic powers are unable to break the hegemony of the USD because United States is the major customer of their trade goods as well as it has strict control on paper currencies of other nations. Some of them try to control it by purchasing gold to renew commodity-based standard but they fail to challenge the dollar. IMF approved four other paper currencies, as reserve cash, as an option for the world in case of any misconduct by US regime, but the global trade is not ready to trust any other option. On the other hand digital cash is also introduced to counter paper cash but it is more ambiguous for the world than paper money. The dollar situation since past 10 years is very uncertain and threat of its sudden collapse is possible, yet the world is not ready for it.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-130
Author(s):  
Coline Covington

The Berlin Wall came down on 9 November 1989 and marked the end of the Cold War. As old antagonisms thawed a new landscape emerged of unification and tolerance. Censorship was no longer the principal means of ensuring group solidarity. The crumbling bricks brought not only freedom of movement but freedom of thought. Now, nearly thirty years later, globalisation has created a new balance of power, disrupting borders and economies across the world. The groups that thought they were in power no longer have much of a say and are anxious about their future. As protest grows, we are beginning to see that the old antagonisms have not disappeared but are, in fact, resurfacing. This article will start by looking at the dissembling of a marriage in which the wall that had peacefully maintained coexistence disintegrates and leads to a psychic development that uncannily mirrors that of populism today. The individual vignette leads to a broader psychological understanding of the totalitarian dynamic that underlies populism and threatens once again to imprison us within its walls.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


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