The Personal Diplomacy of Colonel House

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 706-715
Author(s):  
Lester H. Woolsey

The Intimate Papers of Colonel House1 is one of the most interesting collections of memoirs that has appeared in the post-war period. The contacts of Colonel House, as personal representative of President Wilson, with diplomats and statesmen in the stirring years of the war was probably broader than that of almost any other person, and certainly broader than that of any other American. His papers are so full of interesting comment on men and events that they furnish source material for many essays on different aspects of the times. The purpose of this article is merely to sketch Colonel House’s connection with the main international events of the Wilson Administration up to the entrance of the United States into the war. For some reason, his narrative ends with the period of American neutrality and the entrance of the United States into the war. Colonel House’s activities in connection with the war program of the United States and the Peace Conference at Paris are not related, and the world must hold its patience for a third volume on this critical period.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Jakub Majkowski

This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    


2012 ◽  
pp. 50-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Astra Bonini

During the post-war period, natural resource production has often been associated withperipheralization in the world-economy. This paper seeks to demonstrate that this associationdoes not hold when examined from a long-term perspective, and explains the conditions underwhich natural resource production can support upward economic mobility in the world-system.First, this paper provides evidence that the production of cash crops and resource extraction hasnot always equaled peripheralization in the world-economy, as demonstrated by, among otherthings, the upward economic mobility of the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealandduring the nineteenth century. It then puts forth a new hypothesis that the existence ofopportunities for raw material producing countries depends on whether the hegemonic regime ofaccumulation at a given time structures the economy in a way that is either complementary orcompetitive to the economic development of raw material producing countries. By examining theBritish centered regime of accumulation during the nineteenth century, we find that it wascomparatively complementary to economic development in raw material producing countrieswhereas the twentieth century United States centered regime was comparatively competitive withraw material producers. Based on a comparison with Britain and the United States, the paperalso suggests that China’s increasingly central role in the world-economy may be comparativelycomplementary to economic development in raw material producing countries.


1917 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 185-197
Author(s):  
Claude Jenkins

When Peter the Great was wearied with London and Londoners, and even receiving visits of ‘the thin gentleman’ in ‘a modest looking coach’ to his lodgings in Norfolk Street, Strand, and returning them through the back door of Kensington House had ceased to amuse, he was induced to make an expedition from Deptford to Lambeth where, we are told, ‘nothing in England astonished him so much as the Archiepiscopal library … he declared that he had never imagined that there were so many printed volumes in the world.’ One would like to know if they displayed to him among the MSS. that Elizabethan atlas (463) with its wonderful map of the New World and its mariner's compass in the wooden cover—an atlas made, as it shows, in days when Africa was better known than Scotland and Canada included what we now know as the United States; or Sir Henry Maynwaring's treatise on nautical terms (91, cf. 268), parent of many similar works. They form at any rate part of the original collection which the Archbishops hold in trust ‘to ye service of God and his Church, of the Kings and Commonwealth of this Realme, and particularly of the Archbishops of Canterbury,’ in the terms of Archbishop Abbott's will, ‘as they will answere unto me, and my predecessor [Richard Bancroft] in that fearefull day of God.’ Those treasures thus preserved have been added to, under sanctions less tremendous, not only by the munificence of Archbishops such as Sheldon and Tenison, Secker and Manners-Sutton, but also by the gifts of readers: or if Lambeth Library is the only one in London, public or private, of which it can be said that access has been given to students for over three hundred years, it may be allowed to the enthusiasm of one of the youngest as well as the latest of its Keepers to venture the opinion that it has gained thereby not less than it has given. It was a reader, John Selden, who saved it in the days of the Commonwealth: it was yet other readers, William Dugdale, and in the following century Richard Trevor, Bishop of Durham, who recovered for it valuable MSS. which, owing to the change of the times, could no longer be regained, as had been done in earlier days, by the weapons of the major excommunication and that godly discipline as to which some of my brother librarians probably agree with the Prayer Book that its restoration is much to be wished. And while there are many other readers down to the present time to whom the Library is indebted not only for books but even for MSS., there have been few I believe, who share with King James I the ignominy of having abused their privilege.


Author(s):  
Kal Raustiala

A few days before New Year’s Day, 2002 John Yoo and Patrick Philbin, two lawyers in the Department of Justice, drafted a memorandum for the Department of Defense. The memo was entitled Possible Habeas Jurisdiction over Aliens Held in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Shortly after the attacks on September 11, 2001, the Bush administration had announced plans to try suspected terrorists by military commission, a kind of military court. As the memo was being completed, the war in Afghanistan was still ongoing. But coalition forces had taken Kabul and other major cities and had already captured many suspected Al Qaeda members. The Bush administration feared detaining these individuals within the United States and generally rejected the criminal justice model of counterterrorism championed by previous presidents. The United States naval base at Guantanamo, the subject of the lawyers’ memo, was appealing as a long-term site for detention and trial. It was distant from the Middle East, very secure, and, as the Justice Department noted, probably free of the influence of American courts due to its location outside the territory of the United States. In time the detention camp at Guantanamo would become a source of sustained criticism around the world and a major political liability for the United States. But in late 2001, with the World Trade Center site still a smoking ruin, Guantanamo appeared to be a very attractive option to those formulating the legal response to the 9/11 attacks. Two years after the Guantanamo memo was written the New York Times reported that the CIA and the Pentagon were operating a network of offshore prisons in various foreign locations. In these overseas prisons, so reported the Times, were some of the most high-value detainees in the war on terror. Successive stories in the Washington Post revealed that a number of these “black site” prisons were in Europe, and that the CIA had flown individuals there for extensive and coercive interrogation. As the Times reported, the “suggestion that the United States might be operating secret prisons in Europe and the idea that American intelligence officers might be torturing terrorism suspects incarcerated on foreign soil have been incendiary issues across Europe in recent weeks.”


1913 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otis G. Stanton

Abbreviations: Ann. sc. pol., Annates des sciences politiques, Paris; Ann. Vie Int., Annuaire de la Vie Internationale, Brussels; Arch, dipl., Archives Diplomatiques, Paris; B., boletin, bulletin, bolletino; P. A. U., bulletin of the Pan American Union, Washington; Clunet, J. de Dr. Int. Prive, Paris; Doc. dipl., France, Documents diplomatiques; B. Rel. Ext., Boletin de Relaciones Exteriores; Dr., droit, diritto, derecho; D. 0., Diario Oficial; For. rel., Foreign Relations of the United States; Ga., gazette, gaceta, gazzetta; Cd., Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers; Int., international, internacional, internazionale; J., journal; J. O.,Journal Officiel, Paris; Vint. Sc, L’Internationalism Scientifique, The Hague; Mim. dipl., Memorial diplomatique, Paris; Monit., Moniteur beige, Brussels; N. R. G., Nouveau recueil generate de traites, Leipzig; Q. dipl., Questions diplomatiques et coloniales; R., review, revista, revue, rivista; Reichs G., Reichs-Gesetzblatt, Berlin; Stoats., Staatsblad, Groningen; State Papers, British and Foreign State Papers, London; Stat, at L., United States Statutes at Large; Titnes, the Times (London); Treaty ser., Great Britain, Treaty series.


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor C. Salmon

The development of new kinds of weapons in the immediate post-war period led to a great increase in academic interest in strategic problems. After occasional forays into the field by thinkers such as Bernard Brodie, the output of literature on strategic matters by academics has grown enormously. Most of the work has been done by Americans and reflects an American perspective of the world. It deals with problems that the United States has faced, and is facing, in strategic policy matters.


1987 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. G. Hart

In 1854, Philip Schaff, professor of church history at Mercersburg Theological Seminary and minister of the German Reformed Church, reported to his denomination on the state of Christianity in America. Although the American Church had many shortcomings, according to Schaff the United States was ‘by far the most religious and Christian country in the world’. Many Protestant leaders, however, took a dimmer view of Christianity's prospects. In the middle decades of the nineteenth century, a nagging sense prevailed that traditional theology was no longer capable of integrating religion and culture, or piety and intelligence. Bela Bates Edwards, a conservative New England divine, complained of the prevalent opinion ‘that an intellectual clergyman is deficient in piety and that an eminently pious minister is deficient in intellect’. Edwards was not merely lamenting the unpopularity of Calvinism. A Unitarian writer also noted a burgeoning ‘clerical skepticism’. Intelligent and well-trained men who wished to defend and preach the Gospel, he wrote, ‘find themselves struggling within the fetters of a creed by which they have pledged themselves’. An 1853 Memorial to the Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church summed up the doubts of Protestant clergymen when it asked whether the Church's traditional theology and ministry were ‘competent to the work of preaching and dispensing the Gospel to all sorts and conditions of men, and so adequate to do the work of the Lord in this land and in this age’.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 320
Author(s):  
Yuzhou Lu

<p>The Bretton Woods System was formulated by Britain and the United States and other countries before the end of World War II, and it could keep the worldwide hegemony of the United States and was closely related to the economic development and post-war pattern of each country. However, in the 1960s, the weaknesses of this system were showed through the Triffin problem. Besides, there were obvious institutional defects as for this system. All of these led to the collapse of the system under the circumstance of uneven development of capitalism. Although the system has already got out of the stage of history, it still influences the economic recovery of various countries around the world, and it is significant to enhance the international power and change the post-war pattern.</p>


1963 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-109
Author(s):  
Charles R. Ritcheson

The years immediately following the War for American Independence have been rightly called the “critical period” in the history of the United States. Internal order, stability, even national existence were the issues of the struggle culminating in the Constitution. The times were critical for the new nation, too, in the regulation of her external affairs. The French attempted to make her a satellite. The Spanish would forbid her the Mississippi. By far the greatest problem in foreign affairs, however, was the reestablishment of peace-time relations with Britain, the erstwhile Mother Country.Anglo-American relations during the decade after the Peace of 1783 have claimed much attention from American historians. Disagreement about internal developments are often bitter; but evaluations of British policy toward the former colonies are remarkably unanimous. Whether “Federalist” or “Jeffersonian,” American writers generally depict Britain as the villain. Beaten in war and vengeful, she manifested “disgust and exultation” at the difficulties which befell the new republic. Seizing upon every occasion to show her “casual contempt,” Britain adopted a policy based on “an intention of humiliating the Americans”; and her subjects plotted “how to punish their former colonies.” The British nation resolved to disregard the Treaty of 1783 with a callousness and a cynicism which made a mockery of their pledged word.Resting upon studies in the voluminous American sources, these judgements and assumptions correctly reflect the convictions of many important Americans of the time. They accord but little, however, with a dispassionate examination of British sources.


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