Rationality and politics: the case of strategic theory

1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor C. Salmon

The development of new kinds of weapons in the immediate post-war period led to a great increase in academic interest in strategic problems. After occasional forays into the field by thinkers such as Bernard Brodie, the output of literature on strategic matters by academics has grown enormously. Most of the work has been done by Americans and reflects an American perspective of the world. It deals with problems that the United States has faced, and is facing, in strategic policy matters.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Jakub Majkowski

This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    


Author(s):  
Eugenia Tarzibachi

Abstract The introduction of commercialized disposable pads and tampons during the twentieth century changed the experience of the menstrual body in many (but not all) countries of the world. From a Latin-American perspective, this new way to menstruate was also understood to be a sign of modernization. In this chapter, Tarzibachi describes and analyzes how the dissemination and proliferation of disposable pads and tampons have unfolded first in the United States and later in Latin America, with a particular focus on Argentina. She pays particular attention to how the Femcare industry shaped the meanings of the menstrual body through discourses circulated in advertisements and educational materials. Tarzibachi explores how the contemporary meanings of menstruation are contested globally, as the traditional Femcare industry shifts its rhetoric in response to challenges from new menstrual management technologies, new forms of menstrual activism, and the increasing visibility of menstruation in mainstream culture.


2012 ◽  
pp. 50-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Astra Bonini

During the post-war period, natural resource production has often been associated withperipheralization in the world-economy. This paper seeks to demonstrate that this associationdoes not hold when examined from a long-term perspective, and explains the conditions underwhich natural resource production can support upward economic mobility in the world-system.First, this paper provides evidence that the production of cash crops and resource extraction hasnot always equaled peripheralization in the world-economy, as demonstrated by, among otherthings, the upward economic mobility of the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealandduring the nineteenth century. It then puts forth a new hypothesis that the existence ofopportunities for raw material producing countries depends on whether the hegemonic regime ofaccumulation at a given time structures the economy in a way that is either complementary orcompetitive to the economic development of raw material producing countries. By examining theBritish centered regime of accumulation during the nineteenth century, we find that it wascomparatively complementary to economic development in raw material producing countrieswhereas the twentieth century United States centered regime was comparatively competitive withraw material producers. Based on a comparison with Britain and the United States, the paperalso suggests that China’s increasingly central role in the world-economy may be comparativelycomplementary to economic development in raw material producing countries.


1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 57-67
Author(s):  
Elliott P. Skinner

Afro-Americans have always had more than academic interest in the study of Africa; it was inevitable therefore that they would come into conflict with Euro-Americans who (through myopia or cunning) insisted that they had no unique relationship to Africa. Viewed in historical perspective, it is quite understandable why in the 1960s blacks would challenge those whites who had arrogated to themselves the control of African Studies in the United States. For blacks, parity (if not dominance), in the study of Africa is inextricably part of their struggle for full equality in America. The reasons for this are quite simple: the whites who conquered and settled America decided quite early that the people of African descent who were brought to these shores as captives could not and (later) should not be permitted to live on a plane of equality with them.


PMLA ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-365
Author(s):  
John H. Fisher

AbstractReality is communication. Culture is a complex form of communication. Language is the most important medium in this abstruse level of communication. Literature is the richest and most effective use of language. The membership of the MLA, as symbolic of the institutionalized, academic interest in language and literature in the United States, is no longer representative of the concerns of the population as a whole. Its interest pre-ponderately in English and European literature and languages does not accord with the increasing national interest in the literature and languages of this hemisphere, in the varieties of English used in this country, in pedagogy, and in the modified expectations of literacy today. As teachers of language and literature, MLA members live and move in the world of symbols. They cannot expect to be absolved from the practical effects of these symbols. In their responsibility or irresponsibility, they and their Association are these symbols.


1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 706-715
Author(s):  
Lester H. Woolsey

The Intimate Papers of Colonel House1 is one of the most interesting collections of memoirs that has appeared in the post-war period. The contacts of Colonel House, as personal representative of President Wilson, with diplomats and statesmen in the stirring years of the war was probably broader than that of almost any other person, and certainly broader than that of any other American. His papers are so full of interesting comment on men and events that they furnish source material for many essays on different aspects of the times. The purpose of this article is merely to sketch Colonel House’s connection with the main international events of the Wilson Administration up to the entrance of the United States into the war. For some reason, his narrative ends with the period of American neutrality and the entrance of the United States into the war. Colonel House’s activities in connection with the war program of the United States and the Peace Conference at Paris are not related, and the world must hold its patience for a third volume on this critical period.


Author(s):  
Spencer D. Bakich

The Persian Gulf War of 1990–1991 was something of a paradox. From the American perspective, the war had the hallmarks of a resounding victory. Responding to a flagrant case of interstate aggression by Iraq against Kuwait, the George H. W. Bush administration assembled a substantial international coalition to deter further Iraqi attacks against its neighbors in the Gulf and to compel Saddam Hussein into quitting Kuwait, to avoid war. When the latter proved infeasible, the United States led that coalition in forcibly ousting Iraq’s military from Kuwait, substantially degrading Iraqi combat power in the process. The war’s outcome resulted from an auspiciously altered geopolitical landscape at the end of the Cold War, the overwhelming superiority of American power vis-à-vis Iraq, and a US decision-making process that tightly knitted military and diplomatic objectives into a coherent—and coherently executed—wartime strategy. However, America’s historically lopsided victory in the Persian Gulf War proved fleeting. Iraq’s surviving military forces retained the capacity to crush domestic challenges to the Ba’athist regime and to threaten its Gulf neighbors. President Bush’s vision of a post-war new world order notwithstanding, Gulf security depended heavily on continuing military missions years after the Persian Gulf War ended. Despite wartime tactical and strategic successes, grand strategic success eluded the United States in the years after the war.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dov H Levin ◽  
Robert F Trager

AbstractHow do the limitations of the American perspective in international relations (IR) affect the accuracy of theorizing? We show that assumptions about the relationship between domestic and international politics that underlie significant segments of American IR scholarship are unwarranted. Publics around the world do not respond to United Nations’ and other intergovernmental organizations’ criticism of their governments in the same way that Americans do. Publics are not universally poorly informed of their country's foreign policies, and they are not equally skeptical of the value of using force for resolving disputes with other states. We demonstrate the limitations of US-based scholarship using new and unique survey data from the United States and other countries. We then address how these US-centric assumptions skew certain IR literatures and limit important research agendas pursued by American scholars.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 320
Author(s):  
Yuzhou Lu

<p>The Bretton Woods System was formulated by Britain and the United States and other countries before the end of World War II, and it could keep the worldwide hegemony of the United States and was closely related to the economic development and post-war pattern of each country. However, in the 1960s, the weaknesses of this system were showed through the Triffin problem. Besides, there were obvious institutional defects as for this system. All of these led to the collapse of the system under the circumstance of uneven development of capitalism. Although the system has already got out of the stage of history, it still influences the economic recovery of various countries around the world, and it is significant to enhance the international power and change the post-war pattern.</p>


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