Utopia Lost. The United Nations and World Order. By Rosemary Righter. The Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1995 (distrib. U.S., The Brookings Institution; UK and Europe, International Book Distributors, Ltd.). Pp. x, 399. Index. $29. £22.75.

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-157
Author(s):  
John R. Crook
Author(s):  
Or Rosenboim

This chapter concludes that the book has shown that the mid-century globalist discourse was distinctly political: visions of world order sought to adapt political ideas like democracy, liberty, pluralism, and empire to the changing perceptions of the spatial conditions of the world. It has examined how proponents of globalism such as Lionel Robbins, Michael Polanyi, and Friedrich A. Hayek increasingly perceived liberty as a universal entitlement. The chapter ties together the various theoretical and historical narratives of global thought in the 1940s and offers some reflections on the decline of the globalist ideology at the end of the decade, along with its omnipresent return at the end of the twentieth century. It considers how some of the seeds sown in the mid-century debates about globalism developed eventually into institutions, organizations, and political movements, a classic example of which is the United Nations.


Author(s):  
Rosemary Foot

Over a relatively short period of time, Beijing moved from passive involvement with the UN to active engagement. How are we to make sense of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) embrace of the UN, and what does its engagement mean in larger terms? Is it a ‘supporter’ that takes its fair share of responsibilities, or a ‘spoiler’ that seeks to transform the UN’s contribution to world order? Certainly, it is difficult to label it a ‘shirker’ in the last decade or more, given Beijing’s apparent appreciation of the UN, its provision of public goods to the organization, and its stated desire to offer ‘Chinese wisdom and a Chinese approach to solving the problems facing mankind’. This study traces questions such as these, interrogating the value of such categorization through direct focus on Beijing’s involvement in one of the most contentious areas of UN activity—human protection—contentious because the norm of human protection tips the balance away from the UN’s Westphalian state-based profile, towards the provision of greater protection for the security of individuals and their individual liberties. The argument that follows shows that, as an ever-more crucial actor within the United Nations, Beijing’s rhetoric and some of its practices are playing an increasingly important role in determining how this norm is articulated and interpreted. In some cases, the PRC is also influencing how these ideas of human protection are implemented. At stake in the questions this book tackles is both how we understand the PRC as a participant in shaping global order, and the future of some of the core norms that constitute global order.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Baker Benjamin

At the heart of contemporary international law lies a paradox: the attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001 have justified 16 years of international war, yet the official international community, embodied principally in the United Nations, has failed to question or even scrutinise the US government's account of those attacks. Despite the emergence of an impressive and serious body of literature that impugns the official account and even suggests that 9/11 may have been a classic (if unprecedentedly monstrous) false-flag attack, international statesmen, following the lead of scholars, have been reluctant to wade into what appears to be a very real controversy. African nations are no strangers to the concept of the false flag tactic, and to its use historically in the pursuit of illegitimate geopolitical aims and interests. This article draws on recent African history in this regard, as well as on deeper twentieth-century European and American history, to lay a foundation for entertaining the possibility of 9/11-as-false-flag. This article then argues that the United Nations should seek to fulfil its core and incontrovertible ‘jury’ function of determining the existence of inter-state aggression in order to exercise a long-overdue oversight of the official 9/11 narrative.


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