The First Three Voyages to Yucatan and New Spain, According to the Residencia of Hernan Cortes.

1950 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
George P. Hammond ◽  
Robert S. Chamberlain ◽  
J. Riis Owre
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 152 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-84
Author(s):  
Nicole T. Hughes

In 1541, the Franciscan friar Motolinía sent to Spain an account of the Tlaxcalan people performing the religious drama The Conquest of Jerusalem in Tlaxcala, New Spain. Previous scholars have read his festival account to reflect only local political interests. I argue that it is a palimpsest, containing both the Tlaxcalans’ ambitious diplomatic strategy, expressed in their performance, and Motolinía’s efforts to steer Castile’s policies in the Americas and the greater Mediterranean.


1963 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 341-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald E. Chipman

It is a notable fact that Nuño Beltrán de Guzman, whom many regard as second only in importance to Hernán Cortés in the early history of New Spain, should have escaped for so long the detailed attention of historians. Because of this neglect several false notions have gained currency. For instance, it has been customarily assumed that a Nuño de Guzmán, encomendero of Puerto Plata, Española, was the man who became governor of Panuco, president of the First Audiencia of New Spain, and governor of New Galicia; and wide acceptance has been given to the belief that the man who held these important positions in New Spain died a lonely, despised man in the royal prison of Torrejón de Velasco. Recent investigations by the author in the Spanish archives of Sevilla, Madrid, Guadalajara, and Simancas strongly suggest that the Nuño de Guzmán of Puerto Plata was not the same as the more famous Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán of Guadalajara, Spain, who held three important positions in sixteenth-century New Spain. This research has also lent new insights into the life of Nuño de Guzmán of Guadalajara before and after his career in the Indies.


1953 ◽  
Vol 22 (65) ◽  
pp. 88-89
Author(s):  
A. Macc. Armstrong

The men of the Renaissance looked to classical antiquity for models not only of literary elegance but also of conduct to imitate and outrival. Even Hernán Cortés and his companions were heartened in their struggles by the examples of the classical world, as is clear from the account of one of them, Bernal Díaz del Castillo, who was not a literary man and wrote his True History of the Events of the Conquest of New Spain in protest against the conventional distortions of the professional historians.When Cortés proposed to his followers the burning of their boats, which would prevent anyone from slinking back to Cuba and secure the additional strength of the sailors but at the same time meant throwing off the authority of the Governor of Cuba, he first emphasized that his company must look for aid to God alone and then ‘drew many comparisons with the heroic deeds of the Romans’. They replied in the words of Julius Caesar when he crossed the Rubicon,1 that the die was cast (ch. 59). The comparison with antiquity was later used against Cortés by seven fainthearts who complained that not even the Romans or Alexander of Macedon or any other famous captains whom the world had known had ventured to advance with so small an army against such vast populations. Cortés admitted this, but retorted that with God's help the history books would say far more about them than about their predecessors (ch. 69). His fondness for comparisons with the Romans was parodied when he overcame the forces of Narvaéez sent after him by the Governor, for a negro jester cried out that the Romans had never done such a feat (ch. 122).


1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy H. Fee

The celebration of the entry of the viceroy was the most lavish, costly civic ritual in seventeenth-century Puebla de los Angeles. Staged by Puebla elites to honor the viceroy, this ritual event was orchestrated to assert and display the religiosity and superiority of Angelópolis (the literary title for Puebla). Invoking the journey of Hernán Cortés, the routing of the viceregal entry through Puebla prior to Mexico City heightened the competitive spirit of the Puebla Cabildo. The Puebla Cathedral, erected on the main plaza largely under the influence of Bishop Juan de Palafox y Mendoza from 1640-49, functioned as the centerpiece and scenographie backdrop of this civic spectacle. Ephemeral, triumphal arches featuring allegorical, political emblems framed and gated the ritual entry. Designed by members of the oldest builders’ guild in New Spain, some of these arches were placed within the main portal of the Cathedral marking its role as the sanctum sanctorum of the city.


2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-55
Author(s):  
Covadonga Lamar Prieto

Carlos Fuentes da voz, en Los hijos del conquistador, a los dos hijos de nombre Martín de Hernán Cortés. Buena parte de su relato es un intertexto del Tratado del descubrimiento de las Indias y su conquista de Suárez de Peralta, autor criollo novohispano del siglo xvi. Aquí se examinan las variantes que introduce Fuentes al texto de Suárez de Peralta, así como las técnicas literarias posmodernas que emplea para establecer entre su texto y el otro una relación hipertexto-hipotexto en sentido genettiano. In Los hijos del conquistador, Carlos Fuentes gives voice to two sons, both named Martín de Hernán Cortés. A large part of the narrative is an intertext with Tratado del descubrimiento de las Indias y su conquista by Suárez de Peralta, a sixteenth-century New Spain-Criollo author. In this essay, I examine the variants introduced by Fuentes to Suárez de Peralta’s text, such as the postmodern literary techniques that Fuentes engages to establish a relationship of hypertext-hipotext, in the Genettian sense, between the two texts.


2006 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 302-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry M. Reeves

Franciscan missionary Fray Bernardino de Sahagún arrived in New Spain (Mexico) in 1529 to proselytize Aztecs surviving the Conquest, begun by Hernán Cortés in 1519. About 1558 he commenced his huge opus “Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España” completed in Latin–Nahuatl manuscript in 1569. The best surviving version, the “Florentine Codex”, 1579, in Spanish–Nahuatl, is the basis for the editions published since 1829. The first English translation was issued in 13 volumes between 1950 and 1982, and the first facsimile was published in 1979. Book 11, “Earthly things”, is a comprehensive natural history of the Valley of Mexico based on pre-Cortésian Aztec knowledge. Sahagún's work, largely unknown among English-speaking biologists, is an untapped treasury of information about Aztecan natural history. It also establishes the Aztecs as the preeminent pioneering naturalists of North America, and Sahagún and his colleagues as their documentarians.


Author(s):  
Yolanda Guzmán Guzmán

La presencia de la orden de la Merced en la Nueva España comienza con el paso de fray Bartolomé de Olmedo junto a las huestes de Hernán Cortés como capellán; en la tradición histórica mercedaria, el fraile fue el primer evangelizador del virreinato. El objetivo de este artículo es indagar en cómo, por quiénes y por qué La Merced enfatizó a este capellán del conquistador hasta un siglo después. Se trata de demostrar que, al enfatizar la memoria de Olmedo, los mercedarios novohispanos insertaron a su orden al mismo nivel, o incluso por encima, de las órdenes mendicantes que protagonizaron la cristianización de los naturales. Recurrir a este relato permitió que a lo largo del siglo XVII se construyera un argumento retórico que las autoridades mercedarias utilizaban cada vez que pedían una limosna al rey o gestionaban una fundación en las audiencias de México o Nueva Galicia. The presence of the Order of Mercy in New Spain begins with fray Bartolome de Olmedo’s steps next to the troops of Hernan Cortes as his Chaplain during the conquest. In the Historic Mercedarian Tradition, this friar was the first missionary in the Viceroyalty, who converted Indians to Christianity. The objective of this article is to inquire into How, Who and Why the Order of Mercy emphasized this Chaplain until the Seventeenth Century. My proposal is to prove that, recovering the forgotten memory of Olmedo allowed Mercedarians to write their role in the history of Evangelization, at the same level, or above, of the Missionary Orders in New Spain. Appealing to this tradition, friars created, or invented, a rhetorical argument, during the Seventeenth, that Mercedarian authorities used every time they asked royal alms or negotiated a new foundation in Audiencias of Mexico and New Galicia.


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