Social Structure and Participation in Different Types of Formal Associations

Social Forces ◽  
1956 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 345-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Bell ◽  
M. T. Force
Author(s):  
Kousik Das ◽  
Rupkumar Mahapatra ◽  
Sovan Samanta ◽  
Anita Pal

Social network is the perfect place for connecting people. The social network is a social structure formed by a set of nodes (persons, organizations, etc.) and a set of links (connection between nodes). People feel very comfortable to share news and information through a social network. This chapter measures the influential persons in different types of online and offline social networks.


Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Minna Sa

The Daur people are a minority living in Northeast China. They have adhered to a form of shamanism since ancient times. They believe that all things are spiritual. The Daur call an intermediary or messenger between the human world and the spirit worlds jad’ən (shaman). In addition, there are also different types of priests and healers, such as baɡʧi (healer and priest), barʃ (bone-setter), ʊtʊʃi (healer of child) and baræʧen (midwife), but only the jad’ən is a real shaman. The Daur’s system of deities is huge, complex, and diverse, mainly including təŋɡər (God of Heaven), xʊʤʊr barkən (ancestral spirit), njaŋnjaŋ barkən (Niang Niang Goddess), aʊləi barkən (spirit of mountain), nuʤir barkən (spirit of snake), ɡali barkən (God of Fire), etc. Among them, ancestral spirit is the most noble and important deity of the Daur, called xʊʤʊr barkən (spirit of ancestors). In the past, the social structure of the Daurs was based on the equal clan xal and its branches mokun. Xʊʤʊr barkən is the ancestral spirit of the mokun family. The shaman with xʊʤʊr barkən as the main patron is called xʊʤʊr jad’ən, that is, mokun shaman. The inheritance of the Daur shaman is very complicated. The xʊʤʊr jad’ən is strictly inherited along the patrilineal line, while the ordinary jad’ən can also inherit according to the maternal lineage. The inheritance rites of other types of shamans are also based mainly on the patrilineal lineage and occasionally the maternal lineage. The complexity of the Daur shaman inheritance is first and foremost related to the variety of the gods and spirits, secondly to their belief of polytheism, and finally to the constant split of the traditional clans and families, namely, the xal-mokun social structure.


Author(s):  
Andrew Kahn ◽  
Mark Lipovetsky ◽  
Irina Reyfman ◽  
Stephanie Sandler

The chapter explores how works of literature in the nineteenth century increasingly mapped the complex social structure of imperial Russia. It explains why social class and group identity features so prominently in the representation of characters in nineteenth-century Russian literature. The chapter demonstrates that different types of space, such as the capitals (St. Petersburg and Moscow), the village, or the estate, have specific cultural associations in literature. It discusses the phenomenon of the Petersburg mythology and the genre of Petersburg fiction, examines the provincial spaces as presented by Gogol and Chekhov, and colonial spaces such as the Caucasus as portrayed by Tolstoy.


2002 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doowon Suh

The fact that white-collar workers share relatively similar experiences of economic hardship and proletarianization across nations but develop clearly different types of trade unionism renders the theoretical relevance of formalist and economist approaches to the class location and class character of whitecollar workers questionable. According to this perspective, notwithstanding ideological and logical variants, social class reflects an occupational conglomerate, and class constituents' consciousness, disposition, and action are determined by their position in the social structure. Analysis of social class becomes a simple task of filling empty strata with workers and debate centers on the demarcation lines within the occupational structure, generating theories of class structure without attention to class agents (Bourdieu 1984). By contrast, historico-cultural, ethnographic approaches to social class, pioneered by E. P. Thompson's monumental work in 1963, turn formalist, economist theories on their head by bringing class agents back in. The process by which workers become class members is considered complex, contingent, and relational: lifestyles, dispositions, modes of collective action, and political orientations blend at a historical juncture in such a way that a class character substantially distinct and sustained enough forms and becomes an important dimension of social structure.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie Starkweather ◽  
Monica Keith

Maternal uncle relationships in which men invest resources (usually in the form of inheritance of material wealth) into their sisters’ children are characteristic of matrilineal systems and hypothesized to arise under certain socio-ecological circumstances, but little research has systematically investigated conditions that are associated with this type of investment. We quantify relationships between household-level socio-economic variables and different types of maternal uncle investment (direct care and indirect resource investment) within a bilateral, semi- nomadic population. The Shodagor allow us to consider matrilineal behaviors in an evolutionary framework due to their flexible social structure in which 39% of families receive some investment from a maternal uncle. Variables associated with direct maternal uncle care reflect the significance of maintaining consistent residence throughout the year and an increased need for childcare in families residing on boats versus those living on the land. Informative predictors of indirect investment indicate that a mother’s birth history corresponds with more tangible contributions such as food and clothing. These results identify household-level variables specific to direct versus indirect maternal uncle investment, whereas having more older brothers or being firstborn increased the odds of a mother receiving any brotherly investment at all. Exploring these social and ecological associations in a bilateral, relatively flexible population unveils household circumstances that may lead to the development of female-biased kinship.


2019 ◽  
Vol 374 (1780) ◽  
pp. 20180071 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathrine Starkweather ◽  
Monica Keith

Maternal uncle relationships in which men invest resources (usually in the form of inheritance of material wealth) into their sisters' children are characteristic of matrilineal systems and hypothesized to arise under certain socioecological circumstances, but little research has systematically investigated conditions that are associated with this type of investment. We quantify relationships between household-level socioeconomic variables and different types of maternal uncle investment (direct care and indirect resource investment) within a bilateral, semi-nomadic population. Shodagor people of Bangladesh allow us to consider matrilineal behaviours in an evolutionary framework owing to their flexible social structure in which 39% of families receive some investment from a maternal uncle. Variables associated with direct maternal uncle care reflect the significance of maintaining consistent residence throughout the year and an increased need for childcare in families residing on boats versus those living on the land. Informative predictors of indirect investment indicate that a mother's birth history corresponds with more tangible contributions such as food and clothing. These results identify household-level variables specific to direct versus indirect maternal uncle investment, whereas having more older brothers or being firstborn increased the odds of a mother receiving any investment from brothers at all. Exploring these social and ecological associations in a bilateral, relatively flexible population unveils household circumstances that may lead to the development of female-biased kinship. This article is part of the theme issue ‘The evolution of female-biased kinship in humans and other mammals'.


2021 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-99
Author(s):  
Kelly R Finn

Abstract The formalization of multilayer networks allows for new ways to measure sociality in complex social systems, including groups of animals. The same mathematical representation and methods are widely applicable across fields and study systems, and a network can represent drastically different types of data. As such, in order to apply analyses and interpret the results in a meaningful way the researcher must have a deep understanding of what their network is representing and what parts of it are being measured by a given analysis. Multilayer social networks can represent social structure with more detail than is often present in single layer networks, including multiple “types” of individuals, interactions, or relationships, and the extent to which these types are interdependent. Multilayer networks can also encompass a wider range of social scales, which can help overcome complications that are inherent to measuring sociality. In this paper, I dissect multilayer networks into the parts that correspond to different components of social structures. I then discuss common pitfalls to avoid across different stages of multilayer network analyses—some novel and some that always exist in social network analysis but are magnified in multi-layer representations. This paper serves as a primer for building a customized toolkit of multilayer network analyses, to probe components of social structure in animal social systems.


1986 ◽  
Vol 23 (04) ◽  
pp. 851-858 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. J. Brockwell

The Laplace transform of the extinction time is determined for a general birth and death process with arbitrary catastrophe rate and catastrophe size distribution. It is assumed only that the birth rates satisfyλ0= 0,λj> 0 for eachj> 0, and. Necessary and sufficient conditions for certain extinction of the population are derived. The results are applied to the linear birth and death process (λj=jλ, µj=jμ) with catastrophes of several different types.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajen A. Anderson ◽  
Benjamin C. Ruisch ◽  
David A. Pizarro

Abstract We argue that Tomasello's account overlooks important psychological distinctions between how humans judge different types of moral obligations, such as prescriptive obligations (i.e., what one should do) and proscriptive obligations (i.e., what one should not do). Specifically, evaluating these different types of obligations rests on different psychological inputs and has distinct downstream consequences for judgments of moral character.


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