The United States and Latin American Wars, 1932–1942, U.S. Policy in Latin America: A Short History and The Clash and Attraction of Two Cultures: The Hispanic and Anglo-Saxon Worlds in America

1968 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 401-403
Author(s):  
Peter Calvert
2011 ◽  
Vol 68 (02) ◽  
pp. 209-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalia Antonia Muller

In a famous account of his travels, titled El destino de un continente, the Argentine writer Manuel Ugarte describes his somewhat disconcerting encounter with the Cuban ex-president José Miguel Gómez while traveling through Latin America during the 1920s. Ugarte, a committed advocate of panhispanismo—the idea that Spanish America was and should be unified by its shared Spanish heritage, especially in light of the “threat” from Anglo- Saxon culture—had come to Cuba to give a series of lectures. Shortly after one of his presentations, the Argentine was introduced to Gómez, who took Ugarte to task for his criticism of Cuba's close relationship to the United States. “You reproach us,” Gómez said, “for not defending our legacy of Spanish civilization, but what have all of you [Latin Americans] done to encourage us, to support us, to make us feel that we are not alone?” Taken aback and made suddenly self-conscious by the accusation, Ugarte concluded that the Cuban was admonishing him for failing to uphold the very principles he was espousing in his lectures. “It seemed as if, through the voice of her representative, all Cuba was saying, ‘It is not we who broke the link; it was you who broke it in allowing it to be cut.’” After some time and much thought, Ugarte came to the realization that “Cuba was not alone responsible for the Cuban situation. Some responsibility was also borne by Latin America.” Through his encounter with Gómez, Ugarte was forced to recognize the limitations of framing what he referred to as the “Cuban situation” exclusively in the context of a cultural war between the United States and Spain. Indeed, the expresident's challenge inspired him to reconsider Cuba's nineteenth-century struggles with both Spanish colonialism and U.S. imperialism in a distinctly inter-Latin American context.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 368-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Augusto Timm Rathke ◽  
Verônica de Fátima Santana ◽  
Isabel Maria Estima Costa Lourenço ◽  
Flávia Zóboli Dalmácio

Abstract This study analyzes the level of earnings management in Latin America after the adoption of the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) and analyzes the role of cross-listing in the United States. The literature on earnings management in less developed countries is still under construction, and few studies focus on this issue, especially with respect to Latin America, despite its relevant role in the global economy. This paper fills this gap in the literature as it analyzes the level of IFRS earnings management regarding the first and main Latin American countries applying IFRS (Brazil and Chile), when compared to the main Anglo-Saxon countries with IFRS tradition (United Kingdom and Australia), and with the main Continental European economies (France and Germany). The results show that Latin American firms present a higher level of earnings management than Continental European and Anglo-Saxon firms, and this opportunistic behavior remains significant when only global players with cross-listing in the United States are analyzed. Thus, even with a unique set of high quality accounting standards (IFRS) and strong reporting incentives, countries' specific characteristics still play an important role in the way IFRS is implemented in each country.


1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Silverman

A survey was conducted on the promotion of 28 prescription drugs in the form of 40 different products marketed in the United States and Latin America by 23 multinational pharmaceutical companies. Striking differences were found in the manner in which the identical drug, marketed by the identical company or its foreign affiliate, was described to physicians in the United States and to physicians in Latin America. In the United States, the listed indications were usually few in number, while the contraindications, warnings, and potential adverse reactions were given in extensive detail. In Latin America, the listed indications were far more numerous, while the hazards were usually minimized, glossed over, or totally ignored. The differences were not simply between the United States on the one hand and all the Latin American countries on the other. There were substantial differences within Latin America, with the same global company telling one story in Mexico, another in Central America, a third in Ecuador and Colombia, and yet another in Brazil. The companies have sought to defend these practices by contending that they are not breaking any Latin American laws. In some countries, however, such promotion is in clear violation of the law. The corporate ethics and social responsibilities concerned here call for examination and action.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa E. Ficek

This article discusses the planning and construction of the Pan-American Highway by focusing on interactions among engineers, government officials, manufacturers, auto enthusiasts, and road promoters from the United States and Latin America. It considers how the Pan-American Highway was made by projects to extend U.S. influence in Latin America but also by Latin American nationalist and regionalist projects that put forward alternative ideas about social and cultural difference—and cooperation—across the Americas. The transnational negotiations that shaped the Pan-American Highway show how roads, as they bring people and places into contact with each other, mobilize diverse actors and projects that can transform the geography and meaning of these technologies.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. e54056 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Jaime Miranda ◽  
Victor M. Herrera ◽  
Julio A. Chirinos ◽  
Luis F. Gómez ◽  
Pablo Perel ◽  
...  

1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-301
Author(s):  
Wilkins B. Winn

The Republic of Colombia was the first Latin American nation to which the United States extended a formal act of recognition in 1822. This country was also the first of these new republics with which the United States negotiated a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation. The importance of incorporating the principle of religious liberty in our first commercial treaty with Latin America was revealed in the emphasis that John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, placed on it in his initial instructions to Richard Clough Anderson, Jr., Minister Plenipotentiary to Colombia. Religious liberty was one of the specific articles stipulated by Adams for insertion in the prospective commercial treaty.


Significance The GCC imports around 85% of the food its member countries consume domestically, and the share of Latin American products as a proportion of the GCC’s total food imports has increased from 10% in 2015 to almost 14% in 2019. Impacts Pandemic-induced adoption of innovations such as e-commerce will provide opportunities to expand food exports. Post-pandemic recovery in tourism may eventually boost the GCC’s need for food imports. Growth in other markets will be crucial to help reduce LAC’s dependence on key markets such as China and the United States.


Author(s):  
Iñigo García-Bryce

This chapter explores Haya’s changing relationship with the United States. As an exiled student leader he denounced “Yankee imperialism” and alarmed observers in the U.S. State Department. Yet once he entered Peruvian politics, Haya understood the importance of cultivating U.S.-Latin American relations. While in hiding he maintained relations with U.S. intellectuals and politicians and sought U.S. support for his embattled party. His writings increasingly embraced democracy and he maneuvered to position APRA as an ally in the U.S. fight fascism during the 1930s and 40s, and then communism during the Cold War. The five years he spent in Lima’s Colombian embassy awaiting the resolution of his political asylum case, made him into an international symbol of the democratic fight against dictatorship. He would always remain a critic of U.S. support for dictatorships in Latin America.


2018 ◽  
pp. 86-115
Author(s):  
Michela Coletta

Given the essentially cultural connotations of the notion of ‘Latin race’, education was widely perceived as a key tool for bringing about a process of national and regional regeneration. ‘The problem of the race’ was closely linked to ‘the problem of education’. What characterised the debate on education in all three countries was a deep concern with the need for a regeneration of the national character. This chapter explores the debates around Latin and Anglo-Saxon education models and the ways in which major contemporary theories of education were incorporated. Intellectual exchanges with the Spanish ‘regeneracionistas’ were key in the case of the pedagogical strand of Krausismo in the River Plate and especially in Uruguay. What approach to education best suited the Spanish American nations? Was ‘Latin’ education the best model to adopt? The ‘spatial’ direction of these exchanges is in itself revealing of the different national tendencies: while the Chileans ostensibly and increasingly looked towards the United States, the River Plate was largely part of a revival of Krausismo through direct contact with a new generation of Spanish krausistas. 


2002 ◽  
Vol 101 (652) ◽  
pp. 51-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Shifter

Perennial questions in inter-American relations emerged more sharply than ever after September 11: Would the United States turn its attention away from Latin America and consign the region to irrelevance? Would the United States … attempt to impose a broad strategic design, in accord with its global antiterrorist campaign? Or would the United States take advantage of this moment and engage more proactively and constructively with its Latin American partners in pursuit of a shared agenda?


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