Technology and Economic Interdependence, Global Reach: The Power of the Multinational Corporations, Studies in Political Economy. Vol. I: The Interwar Years and the 1940s. 273 pp. Vol. II: International Trade and Domestic Economic Policy. 282 pp and International Economic Co-operation and the World Bank

1976 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-264
Author(s):  
Susan Strange
Out of Time ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 136-173
Author(s):  
Rahul Rao

In the wake of Uganda’s Anti Homosexuality Act, the World Bank cancelled a loan to the country, precipitating the production of international economic governmentality to promote respect for LGBTI rights, or what this chapter calls ‘homocapitalism’. The chapter reads this development as part of the instrumentalization of gender and sexuality for the rehabilitation of capitalism following the most recent global financial crisis. It argues that the Bank’s efforts to disincentivize homophobia by ascribing it a cost reinforce the hegemony of neoliberal reason. The chapter criticizes the Bank’s culturalist understanding of homophobia, arguing that this allows it to position itself as external to the problem, rather than as implicated in its production. It offers a political economy account of homophobia in Uganda that highlights the relationship between neoliberalism and Pentecostal Christianity, a key vehicle for conservative discourses around sexuality. It concludes with reflections on how homocapitalism might be resisted.


1999 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-114
Author(s):  
Sikander Rahim

International economic policy is now more under the sway of orthodox economics than it has ever been. The main international economic institutions, the IMF, the World Bank, the WTO, and the major developed economies are unremitting advocates of free trade and impose their views on the developing countries. And the developing countries, whose attempts at economic development through protection have mostly failed, are on the whole inclined to accept these views. Over the last twenty years economic policy in these countries has more and more come to be formulated by orthodox neo-classical economists, often described in the press as “reformers”, who advocate more reliance on markets and less protection against imports.


1996 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lewis

Upon taking power in August 1985, General Ibrahim Babangida promised a decisive course of economic and political change for Nigeria. Alongside a phased transition to democratic rule, the new President outlined far-reaching reforms intended to alleviate major distortions in the economy, to resolve a lingering impasse with external creditors, and to reduce a mounting burden of debt. Within a year, a comprehensive structural adjustment programme (SAP) was launched, incorporating key policies advocated by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and yielding significant early results in stabilising the economy and arresting decline.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Howard Staveley

<p>Corruption emerged as a key issue area in international relations and development in the 1990s. However, efforts to control corruption have, to date, been relatively unsuccessful. This has prompted international organisations, like the World Bank, to acknowledge that corruption is a political issue as much as it is an economic one. This shift has led to an increasing use of political economy analysis to inform the anticorruption and governance reform operations of international organisations. This thesis examines political economy analysis as a feature of the expertise housed in the World Bank. It argues that because anti-corruption and governance expertise is essential to the legitimate authority of the organisation, there are risks to that authority if World Bank experts are unable to provide more than highly conventional recommendations for tackling corruption in developing countries. Commentators on development practice have suggested that integrating concepts from complexity science into political economy analysis and adopting an “upside-down” approach to development might be useful to help generate new ideas for controlling corruption. However, this thesis argues that in order to do so, it is necessary to address the philosophical implications of complexity science for mainstream anti-corruption discourse, which is dominated by the positivist assumptions of neo-classical economics. To this end, the thesis argues that Manuel DeLanda’s assemblage theory offers a social ontology in which the relevance of complexity science concepts for social analysis can be developed, and a way of thinking that emphasises how social entities emerge from “the bottom up” without reducing causal explanations to individual human beings and their interests. Social networks, institutional organisations, and cities are examples of social assemblages, real emergent entities with causal power in the world. Mapping social assemblages in political economy analysis, and understanding the relations between social entities and different spatial scales, may reveal new ways of addressing corruption and the intensification of elite domination it enables.</p>


2000 ◽  
Vol 99 (637) ◽  
pp. 195-199
Author(s):  
Peter Rosenblum

Chad has come to the center of international attention as the World Bank, international oil companies, and NGOs struggle over the development of the country's oil reserves.… The results will affect not only Chad's future but also the future of other countries dealing with issues of accountability and development in the face of multinational corporations and world financial institutions.


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