Memorandum to Congress on the ICC from Current and Past Presidents of the Asil

2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (4) ◽  
pp. 967-969
Author(s):  
Arthur W. Rovine

Late last year, in a letter to Congressman Tom DeLay, majority whip of the House of Representatives, twelve former high government officials expressed their support for a bill introduced by Senator Jesse Helms in June 2000, entitled "American Servicemembers' Protection Act."1 The bill, if enacted, would prohibit any agency of the U.S. government from cooperating with the international criminal court (ICC), and proscribe U.S. military assistance to any nation that becomes a party to the treaty of Rome,2 with the exception of NATO members and certain other allied countries.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 1068-1107
Author(s):  
Kevin S. Robb ◽  
Shan Patel

Abstract In September 2018, then U.S. National Security Advisor John Bolton delivered a speech that ushered in a new, more aggressive era of U.S. foreign policy vis-à-vis the International Criminal Court (icc). Washington’s disapprobation over the icc’s interest in the alleged crimes of U.S. personnel in Afghanistan has been seen as the cause for this change. While this is certainly partly true, little attention has been paid to Fatou Bensouda’s prosecutorial behaviour as an explanatory factor. Using the framework from David Bosco’s Rough Justice, this article demonstrates that a distinct shift in prosecutorial behaviour occurred when Fatou Bensouda took over as Chief Prosecutor. In contrast to Luis Moreno Ocampo’s strategic approach, avoidant of U.S. interests, Bensouda’s apolitical approach directly challenged the U.S. This shift in prosecutorial behaviour ruptured the ‘mutual accommodation’ that previously characterised the icc-U.S. relationship and, in turn, produced the shift in U.S. policy that now marginalises the Court.


2011 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elise Keppler

AbstractThe International Criminal Court (ICC) suffered two notable setbacks in Africa in 2010: the African Union's (AU) renewed call for members not to cooperate in executing ICC arrest warrants for Sudanese President al-Bashir; and the president's first visits to the territory of ICC states parties since warrants were issued in 2009 and 2010. Factors surrounding these developments suggest they do not represent the predominant view or approach to the court in Africa, where there is considerable backing for the ICC among African government officials and civil society. African ICC states parties and civil society should enhance initiatives to demonstrate the support that exists for the court, and to ensure that attacks on it are understood as limited efforts that emanate more from criticisms of the UN Security Council than of the court. Developments in 2011 reinforce these assessments.


2000 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-217
Author(s):  
Paul R. Williams

With the creation of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the imminent creation of a permanent International Criminal Court, as well as the proliferation of public statements by high government officials endorsing the norm of justice, many commentators are hypothesizing that the long running tension between peace and justice may be undergoing a period of reconciliation. A brief review of the efforts to incorporate the norm of justice in the Rambouillet/Paris Accords and UNSC 1244 indicates that only minimal progress has been made in the reconciliation between the quest for a negotiated peace and the norm of justice. As the most powerful nation committed to the rule of law, we have a responsibility to confront these assaults on humankind. One response mechanism is accountability, namely to help bring the perpetrators of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes to justice. If we allow them to act with impunity, then we will only be inviting a perpetuation of these crimes far into the next millennium. Our legacy must demonstrate an unyielding commitment to the pursuit of justice.David SchefferUS Ambassador for War Crimes The search for a juster peace than was obtainable at the negotiating table has inflicted hardship and havoc on innocent civilians within the former Yugoslavia and exacted a heavy price from the already weak economies of the neighboring states.David OwenCo-Chair of the International Conference for the former Yugoslavia


Author(s):  
Schabas William A

This chapter comments on Article 38 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Article 38 deals with the Presidency, one of the four ‘organs of the Court’ listed in article 34. The Presidency is made up of three judges, elected by their peers. It is responsible for the proper administration of the Court, through management oversight, coordination, and cooperation. It oversees the judicial functions, and has specific responsibilities in this respect assigned by the Statute. The Presidency also assumes a role representing the Court at the international level, broadening its support and promoting its values and ideals. This includes meeting with government officials, representatives of States, parliamentarians, and representatives of international and regional organizations.


Author(s):  
Sara Ochs

Propaganda warfare, while novel in nomenclature, is far from new in practice. In an era dominated by constant news, battles for public opinion complement physical attacks. In fact, “winning modern wars is as much dependent on carrying domestic and international public opinion as it is on defeating the enemy on the battlefield.” The fight for public opinion has become so valuable to military initiatives that the U.S. Department of Defense Law of War Manual specifically recognizes propaganda directed towards “civilian or neutral audiences” as a “permissible means of war.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 862-907
Author(s):  
Jake Romm

Former Office of Legal Counsel lawyer John Yoo’s criminal liability for the U.S. Torture Program has been a topic of debate ever since the so-called ‘Torture Memos’ came to light. The debate has primarily focused on the criminal case against Yoo under domestic U.S. law or under abstract notions of ‘international law’. In light of the International Criminal Court’s investigation into the situation in Afghanistan there is reason to hope for a possible indictment of Yoo. This article fills in a gap in the literature surrounding Yoo’s culpability by straightforwardly delineating the prima facie case against John Yoo under the Rome Statute.


2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-173

On September 10, 2018, U.S. National Security Advisor John Bolton delivered an address fiercely criticizing the International Criminal Court (ICC). Bolton challenged the legitimacy of the ICC and expressed particular concern over its inquiry into potential war crimes committed by members of the U.S. military and intelligence agencies in Afghanistan. He identified retaliatory measures the United States would undertake if the ICC “comes after us, Israel or other U.S. allies.”


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document