Courtier and Swordsman

During the years 1610 to 1612 the threat of war returned to haunt Europe and James I’s critics looked increasingly to Henry, prince of Wales, as a future military and Protestant leader. Chapter 4 looks at Herbert’s engagement with courtly politics and support for his kinsman, Pembroke, who opposed the powerful pro-Catholic and pro-Spanish Howard faction and favoured providing military assistance to fellow Protestants in Europe and seeking alliance with France. It examines Herbert’s determination to secure honour and military experience by fighting as a volunteer in the Protestant army defending Jülich-Cleves in 1610 and the contribution of his military exploits in camp, where he learned the art of making war under Sir Edward Cecil, and his emerging chivalric reputation in England and on the continent. It considers his attempt to defend his honour in a series of duels, including most notoriously with Theophilus Howard, Lord Walden, and Sir John Eyre, and the reaction of the Privy Council and fellow courtiers to the fashion for duelling. It explores Herbert’s involvement in courtly and literary circles; the favour shown him by Anne of Denmark; his friendship with John Donne, Sir Robert Harley, and Sir Thomas Lucy; his commissioning of portraits by leading court artists; and his difficult relationship with members of the Howard family that led, following the rise of Robert Carr, earl of Somerset, as royal favourite and the deaths of Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury, and Prince Henry, to his withdrawal from court politics.

Transylvania’s and Poland’s Participation in the Struggles between the Moldavian Voivode Family, the Movilăs, and the Wallachian Voivode Radu Şerban

The aim of this article is to analyse the relations of the three Ottoman vassal provinces (Transylvania, Moldavia and Wallachia) during the last years of the Long Turkish War (1591/93–1606). The provinces rebelled against the Ottomans at the beginning of the war. Then influenced by the policies of their dynasties or due to the military occupation of the neighbouring great powers such as the Habsburg monarchy, Poland and the Ottoman Empire, they changed the sides of the conflict. The Movilăs (or Movilă family) tried to govern two Romanian voivodships, Moldavia and Wallachia simultaneously. They had a good relation with the Ottomans and they supported rule of István Bocskai (r. 1604–1606), who rebelled against the Habsburgs in 1604 and was elected as the Prince of Transylvania and Hungary by the Hungarian rebels. The voivode of Wallachia, Radu Şerban (r. 1601, 1602–1610, 1611), who secretly allied himself with the Habsburgs, while simultaneously being recognised by the Ottoman side also endorsed him. The Prince of Moldavia, Ieremia Movilă (r. 1595–1606), tried to remove him from the Wallachian throne. He wanted to install his younger brother, Simion (r. 1600–1602 in Wallachia, r. 1606–1607 in Moldavia) – who had once held the title of the Prince of Wallachia – on the Wallachian throne after deposing of Radu Şerban. They formed an alliance with the Ottoman military dignitaries as well as with Bocskai to achieve their goal. Although this was an unsuccessful attempt, they strongly supported the Hungarian uprising. After the death of Ieremia Movilă, his sons tried to gain the power over Moldavia with Polish assistance. By contrast, the Hungarians gave military assistance to Simion against Ieremia’s sons.

DYNAMICS OF UKRAINIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS DURING OBAMA'S ADMINISTRATION (2014-2016)

The article analyzes the dynamics, interests of the parties, priority areas of cooperation and contradictions of Ukrainian-American relations in the post-Maid period, reveals the reasons for supporting Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression from the United States. The influence of the Revolution of Dignity on the geopolitical interests of the United States in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space is determined. It was determined that in 2014-2016. bilateral relations between Ukraine and the United States in terms of summit meetings and diplomatic support have reached their highest development in the 30th anniversary of Ukraine's independence. At the same time, they lacked practical content - specific projects and common interests. The American strategy for Ukraine provided for limited military assistance and diplomatic containment of the Russian Federation in order to maintain the balance of power in the region. Six areas were identified that formed the bilateral agenda - military-technical cooperation, political dialogue, support for reforms, the fight against corruption, energy, support for democratic institutions. The main directions of cooperation, projects and problems within each of these areas are disclosed in detail. In the context of the formation of "strategic friendship" after 2014, the parties demonstrated different diplomatic rhetoric. Ukrainian politicians emphasized the importance of strategic partnership between countries, military assistance, and American representatives put the need for economic reforms and the fight against corruption in the first place, pushing Ukrainian leaders to take appropriate action. It was concluded that US-Ukrainian relations at this stage were more reminiscent not of a strategic partnership, but of patronage, where Kiev, as a clientele, sought protection from Russian aggression, and the United States saw the support of the pro-Western regime in Kiev as an opportunity to strengthen its positions in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space.

British naval assistance at the twilight of empire: The case of Abu Dhabi, 1966–1968

Britain long sought to establish, develop and utilise local military capabilities across its empire. In its informal empire among the Arab Gulf Sheikhdoms of Eastern Arabia, Britain increasingly encouraged – and often cajoled – its protégés to build up their own security forces as London's moment in the Middle East was coming to an end. The scholarly literature on imperial assistance to local forces is invariably army-centric; little attention is given to how powers such as Britain helped establish local naval forces. This article seeks to address this imbalance by describing how British naval institutions supported the establishment of the local naval force in Abu Dhabi in the years immediately before British withdrawal from the region in 1971. This case study expands the historiography of British military assistance to cover naval forces and describes the repertoire of support provided by the Royal Navy and Navy Department.

The Expansion of Penang under the East India Company

This study highlights that the British had long experiences in the Malay Peninsula before Francis Light’s acquisition and development of Penang, due to the central role of Malayan ports such as Kedah, Takuapa, Langkasuka, Terengganu, Palembang, Siak, and Malacca in global trade between China and India. Under the influence of Islam, Malacca (and, to a lesser extent, Kedah) became a Muslim Sultanate and reached its peak in this trading network, which attracted European traders (and subsequent colonialism), initially from Portugal and Spain, and later France, the Netherlands, and Britain. After the East India Company attained hegemony in India, it was strongly placed to extend its power from its presidencies in Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras. The EIC’s main focus was Bengal, where the Company founded the Fort William College as its headquarters in Calcutta. As trade with China became more important, the Malay Peninsula commensurately became a more attractive destination for investment due to its closer proximity to the Chinese sea lanes, and closer access to the Indo-Malay hinterlands and their products. In 1784, the EIC sent Kinloch to Aceh but he was unsuccessful in negotiating to establish a factory there. Nevertheless, they succeeded in establishing a foothold in Malaya with Francis Light’s embassy to Riau, Kedah, and Penang. Kedah also became prosperous under the Muslim Sultanates. Many Chinese and Indian merchants were settled there, benefitting from the trade in jungle products like camphor, betelnut, bird nests, situated near the Kedah River, was identified as a strategic location. Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Abidin Muazzam Shah II of Kedah (r. 1710-1778) at that time was facing many internal as well as external conflicts. His son Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Shah (r. 1778-1797) also suffered the same fate. As a result of internal crisis and dynastic intrigues, he agreed to lease Penang to the EIC in exchange for military assistance in 1785. In July 1786, Francis Light sailed from Calcutta and reached Penang in August, and thus Penang became an EIC stronghold.

Activities of The Caucasian Islamic Army to save Baku

In 1917, after the October and February revolutions in Russia, peoples were given "Self-determination." After this law, all peoples who were captured by tsarist rule began to fight for independence. Azerbaijan has also joined this struggle. Azerbaijan, which gained independence on May 28, 1918, needed power to maintain independence. This power was allowed by the Batumi Treaty, which was associated with the Ottoman state. Because of that, the Ottoman state undertook to send military assistance to Azerbaijan. With this section As a result, the Caucasian Islamic Army would come to Azerbaijan, clear region of foreign troops, help Azerbaijan maintain independence, and help establish an army. Since the need for oil increased in World War I, the state that occupied Baku would have great superiority. For this reason, Great Britain had an army in Azerbaijan. The Baku victory of the Caucasian Islamic Army is one of three victories won during the First World War. It further strengthened the brotherhood between the two states. For this reason, the Islamic Army of the Caucasus is one of the glorious pages of the history of Azerbaijan and Turkey. The article will assess the activities of the Caucasian Islamic Army to liberate Baku. Key words: Caucasian Islamic Army, Dniesterforce, Russian Revolution, Azerbaijan Democratıc Republic, Ottoman State [1] Makale Eciyez Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsüde yürütülen “İngilizlerin Kafkasya Politikası ve Kafkas İslam Ordusuna Münasebeti (1918-1920)” tezinden yararlanarak hazırlanmıştır

Open the gate

This chapter opens with Sonthonax’s decree of 1793 that emancipated the enslaved people of Saint-Domingue. French revolutionary Léger Félicité Sonthonax brought a Civil Commission to Saint-Domingue in 1792 along with 6,000 soldiers. Their mission was to convince white landowners to form a coalition with mulatto landowners in order to crush the rebellion of enslaved people and preserve the colonial system. This delegation was fraught with contradictions as it was a microcosm of the conflict that had engulfed France: the struggle between aristocrats (the king, military leaders and Church leaders, and powerful landowners) and the bourgeoisie (businessmen and factory owners). Saint-Domingue’s social fissures were complex, with six major groups vying for power: the partisans of the new French government; the aristocrats; the freedmen, mixed race and black; the small whites; the leaders of the rebel slaves; and the masses of enslaved people. Trouillot explores the quicksand of shifting alliances and feuding rivalries during this early period of the Haitian Revolution. The white aristocrats refused to ally with the landowning and slave-holding mulatto and black freedmen. The new French government formed a coalition with the freedmen. The small whites resisted and were crushed by the new French government troops. The aristocrats turned to England and Spain for military assistance against the new French government, and these nations invaded and occupied parts of Saint-Domingue. To gain the upper hand, Sonthonax emancipated enslaved people willing to fight with the new French government in June 1793. Days afterward 10,000 French colonists fled the colony by ship. Sonthonax attempted to recruit the leaders of the rebel slaves; however, they were already fighting in the Spanish army and enjoying their freedom—some were even trafficking slaves. By emancipating the enslaved population in August of 1793, Sonthonax lost the support of the slave-owning aristocrats and freedmen, who were the principle power holders, and he was unable to recruit the leaders of the rebel slaves who saw no advantage in collaborating with an army that was losing ground. Having lost control of the traditional alliances, Sonthonax had overcorrected and found himself leaning upon those who had nothing to lose, the enslaved population.

Activity of European Military-Instruction Missions in the Countries of South-Eastern Europe at the beginning of the XX century

This article studies one of the components of the history of modernization processes in the countries of South-Eastern Europe in the latter half of the 19th century – the early 20th century – military modernization. The purpose of research is to analyze the role of foreign military assistance in formation of military forces of Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Albania and Greece. Separate directions of military assistance provided to the countries of South-Eastern Europe in the form of military missions, training of officers in Europe, arms export and other aspects are disclosed. One of the markers of military development during the period in question was the military instructor activity of the developed European countries in the framework of military modernization of possible military allies in these countries. The lower limit of research is the Bosnian crisis in 1908 caused by annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary. The conflict was the reason of rapid militarization of the region. Military missions from the countries of Europe began their activity in Greece, Montenegro, Turkey. Thousands of officers from Balkan army studied in military establishments of Europe. The top limit of the research is the First world war І 1914-1918. The obvious success was attained with modernization of the armed forces of allies by military missions from Germany in Turkey and from France in Romania in that time. The work deals with the process of military modernization, i.e. the activities of military instructor missions of the leading European countries during the interwar period. The time interval of the study ranges within 1908-1918. This was the period marked by modernization of new national armies in Eastern Europe. Military missions played an important role in this complex process. The comparison of the results of transformations provides for better understanding of the regional specifics and concrete results of this form of military modernization of armed forces during the twenty-year interwar period. The method for comparing variations of military modernization of armies of Oriental countries occurring at the turn of the 20th centuries and reorganization of military forces of the countries of South-Eastern Europe is used. This method instantiates results, consequences, failures and success of military modernization. The research is relevant for studying modern processes of military modernization.

Soviet Tanks, American Sedans: Traces of India’s Cold War-era Hedging Towards the United States, 1966–1971

Having fought its third war and staring at food shortages, independent India needed to get its act together both militarily and economically by the mid-1960s. With the United States revoking its military assistance and delaying its food aid despite New Delhi’s devaluation of the rupee, India’s newly elected Indira Gandhi government turned to deepen its ties with the Soviet Union in 1966 with the aim of balancing the United States internally through a rearmament campaign and externally through a formal alliance with Moscow. The US formation of a triumvirate with Pakistan and China in India’s neighbourhood only bolstered its intent. Yet India consciously limited the extent of both its balancing strategies and allowed adequate space to simultaneously adopt the contradictory sustenance of its complex interdependence with the United States economically. Did this contrasting choice of strategies constitute India’s recourse to hedging after 1966 until 1971, when it liberated Bangladesh by militarily defeating a US-aligned Pakistan? Utilising a historical-evaluative study of archival data and the contents of a few Bollywood films from the period, this paper seeks to address the question by empirically establishing the extents of India’s balancing of, and complex interdependence with, the United States.