Crisis Bargaining and the State: The Domestic Politics of International Conflict

1996 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 749
Author(s):  
Beth A. Fischer ◽  
Susan Peterson

1997 ◽  
Vol 112 (4) ◽  
pp. 728
Author(s):  
Joe D. Hagan ◽  
Susan Peterson


1996 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Francis Fukuyama ◽  
Susan Peterson


Author(s):  
Paul A. Kowert

Foreign policy analysis benefits from careful attention to state identity. After all, identity defines the field itself by making it possible to speak both of policies and of a domain that is foreign. For some scholars, identity has proven useful as a guide to agency and, in particular, to agent preferences. For others, identity has served as a guide to social or institutional structure. Theories of state identity can be divided into three categories: conditions internal to agents, social interactions among agents, and “ecological” encounters with a broader environment. Internal conditions refer to either processes or constraints that operate within the agent under consideration. In the case of the state, these may include domestic politics, the individual characteristics of citizens or other internal actors, and the collective attributes of these citizens or other actors. Although internal causes are not social at the state level, they nevertheless have social implications if they give rise to state identity, and they may themselves be social at a lower level. The social interactions of states themselves constitute a second source of identity, one that treats states as capable of interacting like persons. This approach essentially writes large social and psychological theories, replacing individuals with the state. Finally, the ecological setting or broader environment is a third possible source of identity. The environment may be material, ideational, or discursive, and treated as an objective or a subjective influence.





2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura McAlpine

This MRP seeks to illustrate why and how states circumstantially employ their sovereignty in regards to international forced migration. My thesis is, that states, dependent on their degree of sovereignty, are negligent in their capacity to accommodate refugees. In pursuing this thesis, I examine state sovereignty from the International Relations framework and conceptualize sovereignty as a derivative of the state. Furthermore, I situate ‘the state’ with political realism; and align its opposing paradigm, political idealism, with the United Nations. Using qualitative measurements of state sovereignty, I find that although states have signed international agreements that hold them accountable to facilitate in the resettlement of refugees when international conflict ensues, states claim that because refugees threaten security, as well as the economic, political, social integrity of the state, they cannot and will not accept them. Key words: sovereignty, the state, refugees, International Relations, the United Nations



Author(s):  
Will H. Moore ◽  
Ahmer Tarar

A significant shift has taken place within the study of international relations (IR) generally, and within the domestic-international conflict linkage literature specifically. This shift has helped to address a number of important weaknesses that used to be observed within the literature on the domestic sources of foreign policy. Initially, political science was largely focused on macrostructural analyses of “political systems” and institutions (understood as formal-legal documents and rules). The research that eschewed the paradigmatic separation of domestic and international politics had a strong macrostructural bent to it, rather than a theoretical focus on microfoundations and causal processes. The field later went through a “behavioral revolution,” which brought an emphasis on data collection, hypothesis testing, statistical inference, and a focus on political behavior (especially as recorded in survey research). Hence, in recent years, much more emphasis has been placed on examining the precise microfoundations for how domestic politics might affect international relations, and vice-versa. The contemporary literature that earlier scholars have called the “domestic-international nexus” is largely engaged in debates about five important causal processes, each of which is best understood as being caused by strategic interaction among utility maximizing actors: principal-agent dynamics, informational asymmetries and uncertainty in bargaining situations, signaling, credibility, and coalition politics.



Significance He was reacting to the controversy this month between Ottawa and Riyadh, after Canada’s foreign minister and its embassy in Saudi Arabia published social media messages criticising Saudi Arabia’s arrest and detention of women’s rights activists, calling for their release. Some messages were translated into Arabic, heightening Riyadh’s sense that Ottawa is interfering in Saudi domestic politics. Riyadh has now cancelled further new business deals with Canada, ended direct flights there by the state airline and recalled 15,000 students, hospital patients and its ambassador. Impacts Limited Canada-Saudi trade ties mean the economic fallout will be minimal for both countries. Saudi Arabia has said that the oil trading relationship will not be affected by the current dispute. Canada may cancel its arms deal with Saudi Arabia, threating jobs in western Ontario. Trudeau’s government could hesitate to enter disputes with authoritarian governments in future.



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