The 1870 Education Bill and the Method of J. S. Mill's Later Politics

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-245
Author(s):  
Bruce L. Kinzer

The last fourteen years of John Stuart Mill's life (1859-1873), which followed the death of Harriet Taylor, possessed a hefty political content. They saw the publication of his essays on parliamentary reform and Considerations on Representative Government, his impassioned identification with the North in the American Civil War, the eventful parliamentary career sandwiched between the Westminster elections of 1865 and 1868, and a final phase of activity associated with causes such as women's suffrage and land tenure reform. When Mill acted politically he usually did so with strong feeling, but in his search to give deeply held principles practical effect he understood the need for dispassionate adaptation of means to ends. Both the feeling and the adaptation are evident in his treatment of the elementary education question in 1870, a treatment that vividly illustrates how Mill operated during the decade and a half before his death.Of the host of legislation Gladstone's first administration proposed, only one item, the 1870 Education Bill, elicited a congregation of public responses from Mill. Of course, Mill's political activity in the several years following his defeat at Westminster in autumn 1868 was not confined to the adoption of a stance on ministerial measures. With respect to women's suffrage and land reform Mill was not about to wait on any government, and his conspicuous connections with the National Society for Women's Suffrage and the Land Tenure Reform Association attracted notice at the time and have been the subject of comment since. Moreover, during his last years Mill continued to cultivate his contacts in the world of London working-class radicalism, particularly with George Odger, William Randal Cremer, and George Howell. Whereas Mill's parliamentary career has been explored in some detail, the political character of his post-Westminster years has received less attention.

2004 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 673-682 ◽  
Author(s):  
JA Groenewald

Land reform has traditionally had two objectives: equity and productivity. Food insecurity and the need for agriculture to contribute to development emphasise the need to maintain and improve productivity while improving equitability. Land must foster production and agriculture must attract good human material. The following areas need to be considered in policy formulation and delivery: an effective institutional framework involving all the relevant public and private bodies; efficient fiscal planning is essential; potentially successful farmers must be selected and given special support, including extension and adult education; complementary services and infrastructure are needed; prioritisation of functions and land tenure reform is often necessary. In addition, international agricultural markets are very important for Africa.  Wealthy nations should cease trade-distorting protection of their own farmers.


2021 ◽  
pp. 87-110
Author(s):  
Chizuko Sato

AbstractThis study explores the challenges of land tenure reform for three former settler colonies in southern Africa–Zimbabwe, Namibia, and South Africa. While land redistribution programmes have been the primary focus of land reform for these countries since independence, land tenure reform for the inhabitants of communal areas is an equally important and complex policy challenge. Before independence, the administration of these areas was more or less in the hands of traditional leaders, whose roles were sanctioned by the colonial and apartheid authorities. Therefore, one of the primary concerns with respect to reforming land tenure systems in communal areas is related to the power and authority of traditional leaders in the post-independence period. This study highlights striking similarities in the nations’ land tenure reform policies. All of them gave statutory recognition to traditional leaders and strengthened their roles in rural land administration. In understanding this ‘resurgence’ or tenacity of traditional leadership, the symbiotic relationship between the ruling parties and traditional leaders cannot be ignored and should be problematised. Nonetheless, this chapter also argues that this obsession with traditional leadership may result in the neglect of other important issues related to land tenure reform in communal areas, such as the role of customary land tenureas social security.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael Picó

My interest in land reform started very early. In fact, my first executive appointment in the Government of Puerto Rico was in 1941, even before I left academic life, when I became a member of the first Board of Directors of the Land Authority of Puerto Rico, thus participating from the start in the land reform program of Puerto Rico. Back in 1940 when the present Government of Puerto Rico headed by Luis Muñoz Marín, our present Governor but at that time President of the Senate, took over the reins of government one of the first bills approved by our legislature was for a land tenure reform program in Puerto Rico.


Land ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (11) ◽  
pp. 172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hull ◽  
Babalola ◽  
Whittal

Our purpose is to present and test a typology of land reform theories as a means of understanding and interrogating the motives behind land reform and to better equip land administrators and policymakers to enact land reform programs that are appropriate for their contexts. Here, land reform is understood to include the related concepts of land redistribution, land restitution, land tenure reform and land administration reform. The theory typology thus has application for land restitution programs specifically operating in the global South. The continuum of theories is derived from literature and tested through a multiple case study of land reform in Nigeria, Mozambique, and South Africa, drawing from a combination of primary and secondary data. The findings suggest an over-reliance on replacement theories in all three contexts, although the Mozambican experience draws on theories towards the middle of the continuum (the adaptation theories). This is recommended as the most viable approach for the context.


1991 ◽  
Vol 11 (First Serie (1) ◽  
pp. 29-43
Author(s):  
Leah Leneman

2000 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. L. Carey Miller ◽  
Anne Pope

This article looks at the essential features and the effects of the South African land reform initiatives launched in the mid-1990s. After examining the context in which these initiatives have taken place, it deals separately with the three subprogrammes of land reform, namely, land restitution, land redistribution and land tenure reform. It discusses two particular features of the programme: its provision of title to millions of South Africans and its adjustment of the correlative position between the landowner and the holder of a lesser possessory or occupational right.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 339
Author(s):  
David R. Kemp ◽  
Karl Behrendt ◽  
Warwick B. Badgery ◽  
Guodong D. Han ◽  
Ping Li ◽  
...  

The 400m ha of grazing lands in China, mainly across the north and west of the country, have similar problems to those throughout the steppe of Mongolia, Central Asia and neighbouring countries. The grasslands are in drier regions (50–500mm) across mainly Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang, Tibet, Qinghai, Gansu and Sichuan, often at higher altitudes on the Tibetan, Mongolian and Loess Plateaus, and have for millennia supported the livelihoods of millions of herders. By 2002, surveys were classifying 90% of the grasslands as degraded. Less than 10% were considered desertified to the extent that replanting was the only option to restore some plant cover. The majority of the grasslands were considered capable of being rehabilitated to some degree through changing management practices. In the 1980s the first Grassland Laws were promulgated, initiating a series of programs aimed at rehabilitating the grasslands. These programs included the establishment of individual ‘user rights’ to herders to use a defined area of grassland and the imposition of grazing bans, often for five years, to rehabilitate degraded areas. These were often applied at a regional level. At the same time, herders were encouraged to have more livestock as that was seen as a pathway to lift them from poverty. The sheep equivalent of grazing animals for the whole of China, has increased 4-fold since 1949, often by greater amounts in some regions. But there was very limited work done on how best to manage grazing livestock in ways that could aid grassland rehabilitation. In the early 2000s a collaborative program was started between several Australian and Chinese Institutes, to investigate better ways of rehabilitating the grasslands and to improve herder incomes from livestock. This work involved the development of four models that could use the limited data available, to help guide a series of research programs. These models indicated that halving stocking rates could maintain or increase herder net incomes. Farm demonstrations showed this result applied in practice and grasslands did improve. A series of grazing experiments found that halving the current stocking rates was needed to enable the survival of the better plant species within the grassland. A model that estimated the net value of each animal indicated that often half the animals were generating marginal or negative incomes, and could be culled without affecting the household income, again substantiated in farm demonstrations. In this paper, the causes of degradation, which can be traced back to the progressive changes that have occurred in China since 1949, are discussed together with the practice changes that have come from a large collaborative research program between Australia and China. Efficient markets and land tenure reform are needed to help create the incentives for herders to change in sustainable ways.


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