Dorians and Ionians

1982 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Alty

In his ‘Essay on the value of applying the ethnic criterion to the study of Greek history and civilisation’, Edouard Will examined the two most numerous and politically important ethnic divisions of the Greek race in Classical times, the Dorians and the Ionians, and came to the conclusion that they inspired no true ethnic feeling amongst the Greeks. Other historians have tended towards a similar view. Although some writers have felt unconvinced of the thesis, no one has analysed the sources used by Will and his supporters to suggest why they may not after all imply the conclusions which Will drew. This article will attempt to do so. In particular I shall try to show first that there is good evidence for the importance of ethnic feeling at the time of the Peloponnesian war, and, secondly, that we should not regard Peloponnesian war propaganda as the sole cause of this feeling. The article will concentrate upon the treatment of this subject by Thucydides and Herodotus, the interpretation of which is, I think, most in need of revaluation. Their evidence seems to me most important because they frequently document and in some cases give their own analysis of occasions where ethnic feeling seems to play a part, many of which are either contemporaneous with them or lie in the fairly recent past. I shall, however, also consider to what extent their evidence is supported by other sources.

1913 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-62
Author(s):  
G. B. Grundy

In an article in the Classical Quarterly of October, 1911, Mr. Guy Dickins criticized certain views put forward by Mr. Cornford, by the writer of the article on Greek History in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and by myself, on the statements made by Thucydides as to the cause or causes of the Peloponnesian War. Mr. Dickins makes three statements as to the views which he supposes me to hold. Not one of the three statements is even approximately correct.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucinda Ferguson

This article aims to reinvigorate the debate over the nature and value of the claim that children have children’s rights. Whilst the language of rights and children’s rights continues to be widely employed, and even relied upon, in many situations involving the legal regulation of children we lack strong child-centred evidence that it is better to regulate children through the lens of children’s rights, rather than their ‘best interests’ or in terms of duties owed to them. My argument proceeds in four stages. First, I distinguish between rights for children and children’s rights. Understood in the sense of fundamental human rights, children are plainly rights-holders. The critical debate relates to children’s rights. Secondly, I argue that the expressive and procedural reasons for affirming that children hold children’s rights are contingent upon improved outcomes. Thirdly, I contend that we do not currently have a child-centred theory of children’s rights that improves, or increases the likelihood of improved outcomes in legal practice. This is not a claim that children do not have children’s rights. My argument critiques the current potential of both individual children’s rights and a rights-based framework of reasoning to improve outcomes for children. Finally, I argue that without a theory of children’s rights, we currently have no good evidence that it benefits children to think of them in terms of children’s rights in law. This is an optimistic conclusion as it suggests that with greater attention on making decision-making truly child-centred, or explicitly recognizing the inability to do so, the purposes for which we want to believe that children have children’s rights might be better achieved than they are at present.


Politeia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 28-44
Author(s):  
Yi Wu ◽  

Contrary to its self-proclamation, philosophy started not with wonder, but with time thrown out of joint. It started when the past has become a problem. Such was the historical situation facing Athens when Plato composed his Socratic dialogues. For the philosopher of fifth century BCE, both the immediate past and the past as the Homeric tradition handed down to the citizens had been turned into problematicity itself. In this essay, I will examine the use of philosophy as memory theatre in Plato's Republic. I shall do so by interpreting Book X of the Republic as Plato's “odyssey” and suggest that such Platonic odyssey amounts to an attempt to re-inherit the collapsed spatial and temporal order of the fallen Athenian maritime empire. In my reading, the Odysseus in the Myth of Er comes forth for Plato as the exemplary Soldier-Citizen-Philosopher who must steer between the Scylla of ossified political principles and the whirling nihilism of devalued historical values, personified by Charybdis. I shall further suggest that Plato’s memory theatre also constitutes a device of amnesia and forgetting. The post-Iliadic Odysseus must drink of forgetfulness from the river Lethe, so that the revenant soldier, Er, and those who inherited the broken historical present during and after the Peloponnesian War, would be enabled to remember in a particular way. Such remembrance, I shall conclude, may be what Plato means by philosophy, a memory theatre of psychic regulation and moral economy that sets itself decidedly apart from earlier tragic and comic catharsis.


Author(s):  
Lisa Kallet

The term “Pentecontaetia” refers both to the narrative in Thucydides’ History for the fifty-year period between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars, 478–431 bce (1.89–118) and to the historical period during that time. This chapter aims above all to further appreciation of how Thucydides understood this crucial period in Greek history that saw the emergence of the Athenian empire. Themes and emphases include the origins of the Delian League and the nature of the tributary empire; the Pentecontaetia and the “true cause” of the Peloponnesian War; the Samian Revolt; the emphases on criticism of chronology and omissions; the impact of the revolution in epigraphic dating; Persians and Thucydides; Athens, Sparta, and Corinth.


2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Ulrich Gilbert ◽  
Andreas Rasche ◽  
Sandra Waddock

ABSTRACT:This article assesses the proliferation of international accountability standards (IAS) in the recent past. We provide a comprehensive overview about the different types of standards and discuss their role as part of a new institutional infrastructure for corporate responsibility. Based on this, it is argued that IAS can advance corporate responsibility on a global level because they contribute to the closure of some omnipresent governance gaps. IAS also improve the preparedness of an organization to give an explanation and a justification to relevant stakeholders for its judgments, intentions, acts and omissions when appropriately called upon to do so. However, IAS also face a variety of problems impeding their potential to help address social and environmental issues. The contribution of the four articles in this special section is discussed in the context of standards’ problems and opportunities. The article closes by outlining a research agenda to further develop and extend the scholarly debate around IAS.


2016 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roel Konijnendijk

In Herodotus' royal council scene, where Xerxes decides whether or not to punish the Greeks, the king's cousin and adviser Mardonius is made to say these famous lines (Hdt. 7.9β.1): καίτοι [γε] ἐώθασι Ἕλληνες, ὡς πυνθάνομαι, ἀβουλότατα πολέμους ἵστασθαι ὑπό τε ἀγνωμοσύνης καὶ σκαιότητος. ἐπεὰν γὰρ ἀλλήλοισι πόλεμον προείπωσι, ἐξευρόντες τὸ κάλλιστον χωρίον καὶ λειότατον, ἐς τοῦτο κατιόντες μάχονται, ὥστε σὺν κακῷ μεγάλῳ οἱ νικῶντες ἀπαλλάσσονται· περὶ δὲ τῶν ἑσσουμένων οὐδὲ λέγω ἀρχήν, ἐξώλεες γὰρ δὴ γίνονται.Yet, the Greeks do wage war, I hear, and they do so senselessly, in their poor judgement and stupidity. When they have declared war against each other, they find the finest, flattest piece of land and go down there and fight, so that the victors come off with terrible loss—I will not even begin to speak of the defeated, for they are utterly destroyed. This passage has long been one of the pillars of the ‘orthodox’ view of Greek warfare. It appears to describe a very peculiar way of war, in which conflicts were resolved by single battles at prearranged times, fought on open ground where neither side had an advantage. Fairness counted for more than tactical skill; all conditions were made equal, so that the winners could truly claim to be the braver and stronger men. The result, as Mardonius stressed, was needlessly bloody—but it was quintessentially Greek. Modern authors have argued that this ‘agonistic’ style of fighting, this ‘wonderful, absurd conspiracy’ of open hoplite battle, determined the shape of Greek warfare until the long and hard-fought Peloponnesian War changed the rules.


1964 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Perlman

The causes and the outbreak of the Corinthian war, as well as the events immediately preceding it, have often been discussed by modern historians. Since the Corinthian war is the first attempt at achieving a new settlement in Greece after the Peloponnesian war and since it brought about new political alliances and the revival of old imperial rivalries, it is not only an episode in the continual warfare among the Greek states, but may also be regarded as a key to the understanding of a part, at least, of the pattern of Greek history in the fourth century B.C.


1983 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
H.D. Westlake

Scholarly interest in epiteichismos has, for various reasons, been centred almost exclusively upon the Athenian occupation of Pylos and the Spartan occupation of Decelea. In occupying Pylos the Athenians were adopting epiteichismos for the first time, as were the Spartans in occupying Decelea. Both enterprises were on a considerable scale and deeply influenced the course of the Peloponnesian war, though neither so decisively as had initially seemed likely. Another source of interest in them is their link with the perennial problem of speeches in Thucydides. The Thucydidean versions of speeches delivered shortly before the outbreak of the Archidamian war include references to the possibility that epiteichismos might be attempted by both sides (1. 122. 1; 142. 3–4), although in fact Athens did not do so until 425, and then partly by accident, and Sparta not until much later. These puzzling references have been thought by some scholars to be anachronistic, while others have disputed this inference, maintaining that even before the war military leaders had in mind the possibility of epiteichismos. A similar if less vexed problem arises from the fact that the occupation of Decelea, vigorously recommended by Alcibiades in the Thucydidean version of his speech at Sparta at the end of 415 and apparently accepted with enthusiasm (6. 93. 1–2), was not implemented until the spring of 413.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nishi Misra ◽  
Shobhna Srivastava

There are three feelings that prompt a person to take their life: hopelessness, helplessness and worthlessness. Studies have found that the risk of suicide increases with decreasing happiness. In the recent past, people have been left clueless when celebrities and successful people ended their lives despite appearing overtly happy. What prompted them to do so? Modern society today highlights the importance of success over failure. Although we are motivated to be successful in life, it should not become our main gauge of happiness. In the same way we should not let success be our main goal in life and get discouraged by failure. Happiness has been viewed in two ways: as concerning the well-being of a person, and as the opposite of depression. Each one of us has different ways of measuring happiness. The quality of one’s happiness depends on one’s priorities in life. Happiness is not merely something that can be quantified with how much success and failure one has because such metric is very much subjective. How do we prevent a young life from extinguishing? How do we identify suicidal behavior among successful people and help those around? The present chapter covers the possible reasons why successful people commit suicide. Role of media in preventing suicide and measures for preventing suicide by successful people has been discussed.


Classics ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Moore ◽  
Christopher C. Raymond

Critias of Athens (c. 460–404/3 bce), a relative of Plato’s and scion of an elite family that counted Solon among its kin, is now best remembered for three things: an intellectual association with Socrates that ended unhappily; authorship of the so-called “Sisyphus” fragment, among the earliest extant presentations of atheism, and thus a leading instance of the naturalizing explanations typical of the Sophistic movement; and leadership in the so-called Thirty Tyrants, the murderous oligarchy that eliminated the democracy, perhaps with the aim to Spartanize the Athenian polis, in the year following the Peloponnesian War. The last seems to have overshadowed his many other intellectual and cultural accomplishments, as Aristotle and Philostratus suggest. Critias wrote works of almost unequalled generic variety: elegiac poetry, lectures, tragedies (perhaps), analyses of political constitutions (maybe in both poetry and prose), and even proto-dialogues (conceivably). He had a complex and enduring friendship with Alcibiades, a nexus of Athenian political, civic, and military life. Plato treats Critias as a central interlocutor in several dialogues—perhaps more frequently than anyone else besides Socrates. He made statements in natural philosophy, on the nature of soul and the relationship between cognition and perception. The extensive scholarship on Critias deals, in the majority case, with late-5th-century Athenian politics and Euripides’ fragmentary plays, to which ancient authors attributed the dramatic fragments thought to be his. He is less frequently discussed in studies of the Sophists, Presocratics, Socrates, or Plato—according to some scholars, rightly so. But he is not absent from those sub-disciplines, if in a scattered way, and synthetic studies of Critias, taking account at once of his political, literary, and philosophical life, have been produced over the past two centuries, especially in the form of dissertations. There is currently no monograph in English available. This bibliography provides a guide to the materials known about and from Critias; the problems specific to the various witnesses and texts; solutions offered by the scholarship; and the shape that future investigations might take. Since Critias is a figure known only incidentally by most students of classical antiquity it is worth listing here the “hot center” of debate. Why did Critias become an active member of the “Thirty” oligarchs, and what did he hope to bring about in Athens? How secure is the attribution of the dramatic fragments to him, and what might they reveal about his ethical or scientific commitments? Is he the character presented in Plato’s Timaeus and Critias, or is that his grandfather? What is Plato’s attitude toward him in the Charmides? Is Xenophon right to have treated Critias as virtually the most bloodthirsty of tyrants known to Greek history? Other questions include the position of Critias within the Athenian intellectual scene; the likely structure of his constitutional works (in prose and poetry); the sources of his “philosophical fragments”; the contours of his relationship with Socrates; the reasons for Plato’s continued literary presentation of Critias; and the overall tenor of his reception through late antiquity.


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