Financial aspects of unregistered employment in Poland and other Eastern European countries

A review of the specialist literature and analysis of own study results reveal that a scale of the phenomena of undeclared work is both globally and locally significant and differentiated. Comparative research for the entire geographical area is difficult, as these are countries with very diverse economies. This was due to historical conditions, dynamic of socio-political changes and ties with other political alliances, membership in organizations and economic partnerships. The aim of the empirical research was to identify the financial aspects of undertaking work in the grey zone from the workers point of view. The study target group were chosen from unemployed registered at the Municipal Employment Office in Płock, Mazovia Region. Results show that the unemployed turn to undeclared work for financial reasons, such as higher reimbursement, unsatisfactory income or excessively high social insurance contributions. Respondents assessed their financial situation most often as bad, and indicated difficulties in finding work through registered employment. People who undertake work in a grey zone are predominantly those from low income groups, socially excluded, migrants, long time unemployed.

Civil War and the Resurgence of Anglo-Scottish Border Mentalities in the British Middle Shires, 1639–1645

For centuries the Anglo-Scottish borderlands were a region of weak government, endemic violence, border fortresses, and periodic full-scale wars. After the 1603 Union of the Crowns joined Scotland with England and Ireland, James VI & I attempted to pacify the “Middle Shires” of his new realm of “Great Britain.” Despite an apparently successful pacification, using the resources of both the Scottish and English states, the outbreak of the British Civil Wars in 1638 resulted in the region once again becoming militarized. This militarization followed many of the characteristics of the pre-1603 border security system: the renovation of border fortresses, cross-border raids, powerful noble magnates with cross-border political alliances, and the theft or attempted theft of cattle as a means of waging war.

The Maghrib and the Medieval Mediterranean

According to traditional medieval histories—those that focus on the European West as a distinct civilization from North Africa and the Middle East—the advent of Islam in the 7th century was the final blow to the hope of a restored Rome, one that split the Mediterranean in two. In this version of the past, the Muslim conquests of the 7th century permanently divided Islamic North Africa and the Maghrib from the culture, society, and thinking of Christian Western Europe. In fact, the Maghrib was a major port of the culture, architecture, society, religious development, commerce, and politics of a common, medieval western Mediterranean zone. It is true that Christian and Muslim dynasties and states on both sides of the Mediterranean regularly saw themselves as enemies and rivals. The dogmatic and violent use of religion to justify enslavement, forced conversion, and conquest was common practice throughout this period. It is also true, however, that infidel Christian kings and unholy Muslim warriors formed alliances with one another, both across the sea and across faiths.1 The existence of a “convenient enemy” was often used as a means of gaining political or military advantage within Muslim or Christian lands. Popes and kings signed agreements with Muslim caliphs and Muslim sultans sought protection of Christian kings. In addition to high-level political alliances, ties between the Maghrib and Western Europe ran deep through the medieval economy. Commerce and business partnerships prospered and the 12th-century Commercial Renaissance lifted all boats. Christian, Muslim, and Jewish merchants took advantage of flows of trade and gold from Africa to the Mediterranean and into Europe. Dreams of conversion fostered unintended cultural interactions and exchanges, as was the case with the Franciscans and Christian mercenaries who journeyed deep into the Maghrib during this period. More than religion or politics, common artistic and architectural styles make perhaps the most compelling argument for a common, trans-Mediterranean culture.

Decentralized Security Systems in Hybrid War Conditions with an Emphasis on the Security System in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Combining all hitherto known forms and methods of conventional and unconventional warfare, hybrid warfare is increasingly replacing classical military conflicts and is gradually changing into the primary form of realizing state interests, independently or within military-political alliances. No period in the history of human civilization has been marked by such an intensity of war conflicts as the last century. Apart from the two largest war conflicts in history, in which almost all countries of the world were involved, the last century was also marked by the Cold War.

“Global Britain’s” Foreign Policy: Special Features of “Sovereign” Atlanticism

The article outlines the special features of the UK foreign policy described as an outcome of the request for a new international role after the withdrawal from the EU. Proceeding from the theory of rational choice, the author concludes that the UK uses relations with Washington to adapt the idea of “Global Britain” to the changes in the international environment, taking into account the reduction of its own weight in international politics. It is highlighted that the synchronization of the UK and the US international agendas is taking place against the backdrop of deteriorated UK-EU relations. Atlanticism, along with disengagement from the EU, became the ideological basis of a new British foreign policy aimed at ensuring Western unity, while increasing its fragmentation. The significance of the new Atlantic Charter and the military-political alliance AUKUS for the foreign strategy of the UK is assessed. Despite the global nature of the articulated goals, the United Kingdom operates in the logic of a middle power in the face of intense international competition. It is concluded that the special emphasis on “hard” power and the strengthening of military-political alliances based on liberal values does not solve the strategic dilemmas of Britain, which will still have to balance between the major international actors.

Baldwin IV of Jerusalem as the image of the ideal ruler of the Middle Ages

This article is dedicated one of the most remarkable kings of Jerusalem Baldwin IV, also calked the “Leper King”. The goal lies in analyzing the role of Baldwin IV in military-political history of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. The central task is to determine historical veracity of the positive image of Baldwin IV described in literature and cinematography. The historiographical framework is comprised on the works of national and foreign authors devoted to the history of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem; works of the Latin chronographers, as well as fragments from Arabic sources that were translated into English by M. C. Lyons and D. E. P. Jackson in their monograph “Saladin: the Politics of the Holy War”. The article raises the question of whether it is possible to advance a thesis that Baldwin IV is the prominent ruler of his time based on the analysis of personal traits and actions. Special attention is given to consideration of the domestic policy of the Kingdom of Jerusalem in the late XII century, as well as relationship of the young king with different political alliances. The conclusion is made that by virtue of his personal traits and actions, Baldwin IV significantly contributed to ensuring security of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. However, serious illness alongside critical internal challenges, led to the siege of Crusader state in the Battle of Hattin. Baldwin IV was unable to prevent it. The personality of Baldwin IV has not previously become the object of separate comprehensive study, which defines the scientific novelty of this paper. The article also views the events that took place in the Kingdom of Jerusalem over the period from 1160 to 1180 from the perspective of personality approach.

Sustaining Democracy

Democracy is hard work. It can flourish only when citizens actively participate in the business of collective self-government. Yet political participation gives rise to deep political divides over core political values. In the midst of these divisions, citizens are required to recognize one another as political equals, as fellow participants who are entitled to an equal share of political power. Research shows that political engagement exposes citizens to forces that erode their capacities to regard their political opponents as their equals. In the course of democratic participation, we come to see our opponents as inept and ill-motivated, ultimately unfit for democracy. This tendency is especially pronounced among those who are the most politically active. Democratic citizenship thus can undermine itself. With this conflict at the heart of democratic citizenship, we must actively pursue justice while also treating those who embrace injustice as our equals. Sustaining Democracy navigates this conflict. It begins by exploring partisanship and polarization, the two mechanisms by which citizens come to regard their opponents as unsuited for democracy. It then proposes strategies by which citizens can mitigate these forces without dampening their political commitments. As it turns out, the same forces that lead us to scorn our opponents can also undermine and fracture our political alliances. If we are concerned to further justice, we need to uphold civil relations with our opponents, even when we despise their political views. If we want to preserve our political friendships, we must sustain democracy with our foes.

La démocratie ivoirienne à l’épreuve des stratégies coalitionnelles politiques

L’adoption du multipartisme par la Côte d’Ivoire en 1990 s’est accompagnée du phénomène de la coalition comme nouvelle stratégie de conquête du pouvoir par des partis politiques à travers des alliances politiques. La première coalition (le front républicain) visant à former une majorité électorale est née en 1995 de l’alliance entre le FPI et le RDR pour évincer le PDCI du pouvoir. Ensuite s’en sont suivi le Rassemblement des Houphouétistes pour la Démocratie et la Paix (RHDP) en 2005, et La Majorité Présidentielle (LMP) en 2010. Ces coalitions ont toutes fait preuve de fragilité face aux opportunités politiques au point que deux d’entre elles n’existent plus (Front Républicain ; LMP), et celle qui existe (RHDP), est exposée au risque de désintégration à cause des querelles internes de positionnement. Le présent article a pour objectif d’identifier et d’analyser des causes des échecs des coalitions politiques et leurs conséquences sur la démocratie en Côte d’Ivoire. C’est une étude qualitative ancrée dans le courant théorique du changement social. Elle s’appuie sur la méthode de l’analyse de contenu. Après l’analyse des données, quatre principales causes de la fragilité des coalitions ont-été identifiées. Il s’agit : (1) du charisme trop fort des leaders politiques dans la coalition ; (2) du non-respect du principe d’inclusivité dans la prise de décision par les partis dans la mise en place des coalitions (3) de l’inexistence d’un projet de société commun clairement formalisé dès le départ entre les partis coalisés; (4) du comportement nombriliste des partis politiques membres des coalitions qui nourrissent des projets personnels inavoués. The adoption of multiparty politics by the Ivory Coast in 1990 was accompanied by the phenomenon of the coalition as a new strategy for the conquest of power by political parties through political alliances. The first coalition (the Republican Front) aimed at forming an electoral majority arose in 1995 from the alliance between the FPI and the RDR to oust the PDCI from power. Then followed the Gathering of Houphouetists for Democracy and Peace (RHDP) in 2005, and The Presidential Majority (LMP) in 2010. These coalitions have all shown fragility in the face of political opportunities to the point that two of them between them no longer exist (Republican Front; LMP), and that which exists (RHDP) is exposed to the risk of disintegration because of internal disputes over positioning. The objective of this article is to identify and analyze the causes of the fragility of political coalitions and their consequences on democracy in Côte d'Ivoire. It is a qualitative study rooted in the theoretical stream of social change. It is based on the method of content analysis. After analyzing the data, four main causes of the fragility of coalitions were identified. These are: (1) the too strong charisma of political leaders in the coalition; (2) the failure to respect the principle of inclusiveness in decision-making by the parties in the establishment of coalitions (3) the non-existence of a common social project clearly formalized from the start between the united parties; (4) the navel-gazing behavior of the political parties that are members of the coalition, which have unacknowledged personal projects.

The Origin of Kinship Politics in 2020 Regional Elections in Sleman Regency

On December 9, 2020, The Sleman Regional Head Election was won by the Kustini-Danang pair. The victory of Kustini (wife of Sri Purnomo, the incumbent Regent) is referred to as part of kinship politics. Kinship politics is understood as an attempt to perpetuate power, in this case, Sri Purnomo's power. Sri Purnomo itself is the Regent of Sleman who is famous for his political superiority, which is shown by winning two consecutive terms. This study aims to capture the local political phenomenon in Sleman by identifying the political contestation in the 2020 Regional Head Election from a socio-historical and some political momentum that occurred during the Sri Purnomo regime. To further explore the phenomenon of kinship politics in Sleman Regency, this study used a qualitative approach and used two main data search methods: primary data and secondary data. The results showed that Sri Purnomo has high superiority in his leadership. Sri Purnomo transformed into a local strongman with the support of some local elite networks he had built. As the local strongmen, he formed political alliances that had high loyalty based on patron-client relationships. In the end, by presenting his wife, Kustini Sri Purnomo as his successor, it shows that the politics of kinship are nothing more than an extension of the hand to continue Sri Purnomo's power.

Networked partisanship and framing: A socio-semantic network analysis of the Italian debate on migration

The huge amount of data made available by the massive usage of social media has opened up the unprecedented possibility to carry out a data-driven study of political processes. While particular attention has been paid to phenomena like elite and mass polarization during online debates and echo-chambers formation, the interplay between online partisanship and framing practices, jointly sustaining adversarial dynamics, still remains overlooked. With the present paper, we carry out a socio-semantic analysis of the debate about migration policies observed on the Italian Twittersphere, across the period May-November 2019. As regards the social analysis, our methodology allows us to extract relevant information about the political orientation of the communities of users—hereby called partisan communities—without resorting upon any external information. Remarkably, our community detection technique is sensitive enough to clearly highlight the dynamics characterizing the relationship among different political forces. As regards the semantic analysis, our networks of hashtags display a mesoscale structure organized in a core-periphery fashion, across the entire observation period. Taken altogether, our results point at different, yet overlapping, trajectories of conflict played out using migration issues as a backdrop. A first line opposes communities discussing substantively of migration to communities approaching this issue just to fuel hostility against political opponents; within the second line, a mechanism of distancing between partisan communities reflects shifting political alliances within the governmental coalition. Ultimately, our results contribute to shed light on the complexity of the Italian political context characterized by multiple poles of partisan alignment.