Party Politics and Political Culture in Ethiopia

2017 ◽  
pp. 115-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kassahun Berhanu
Author(s):  
Martin O'Donoghue

The introduction sets out the book’s main arguments—assessing the Irish Party’s rise and fall, the Irish revolution and how members and supporters experienced it, and finally how its leaders and supporters have been remembered. Key findings such as the number of former Irish Party figures who emerged in the Free State and the percentage of them which joined Fine Gael are outlined along with reference to the major features of commemoration. The evolution of writing on the party is also analysed and common perceptions of the party and its leaders are identified alongside themes prevalent later in the book. In so doing, the introduction clearly situates the book within the historiography as well as pointing to the contributions it can make to knowledge in the areas of party politics, Irish political culture; Treatyite history; public memory and commemoration in the Irish state. Finally, the introduction establishes the range of primary sources used and the nature of each as well as the methodologies employed in the book and a brief outline of each chapter.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Davey

This conclusion explores what Mary’s life in politics might tell us about political life in Victorian Britain. It argues that Mary’s life illuminates particular aspects of Victorian political culture. In particular, it stresses the importance of incorporating informal political processes into the construction of high political narratives. It suggests that focusing on the activities of informal politics might offer new insights into familiar preoccupations of historians of high politics: of parliamentary dynamics, of party politics, of civil servants, and of public opinion.


Author(s):  
Tony Wright

British Politics: A Very Short Introduction explores the history of British politics, looking at whether the present instability is an aberration, the result of long-standing fault lines, or both. Current events are placed within a longer, larger perspective, focusing on Britain’s constitution, its polarized political culture of debates and disagreements, the importance of party politics, and the meaning of representative democracy now. Following the financial crisis, a peacetime coalition government, and the fallout from the 2016 referendum, Britain’s political future is uncertain. However, even after the momentous changes leading up to and including the 2019 general election, it remains uncertain whether the character of British politics will fundamentally change.


1981 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven A. Hoffmann

The typical internal structure of factions in a particular culture strongly influences the ability of factions to resolve conflict among themselves. This hypothesis is verified by examination of faction structure in India as contrasted to that in Japan. The argument draws on material from the broad range of contemporary studies of Indian and Japanese party politics and some studies of their bureaucracies as well. The major implication of the findings is that the “political culture” concept can be given a sounder empirical base when related to overt political behavior than when viewed as a matter of political psychology.


1996 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 1005-1048 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Trentmann

ABSTRACTThe debate over Free Trade was central to modem British history. This essay shifts attention from party politics to the changing discourse and perception of state and economy within the business community. It distinguishes three phases in the erosion of liberal political economy: reciprocity, defensive tariff reform, and modernizing protectionism. An analysis of the changing argument for protection points to the emergency of a new politico-economic settlement in the age of war and coordinated capitalism. The Free Trade culture of individualism and market was displaced by a new economic vision of combination and regulation. In political culture, however, state and economy continued to be viewed as separate spheres. Instead of a corporatist system, the new settlement between state and business was marked by a dissociation of economic from political pluralism.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-45
Author(s):  
Shirleene Robinson

In 1987, years of frustration with Queensland's sexually repressive culture compelled a homosexual man named Cliff Williams to write to the national gay magazine OutRage. Williams outlined a number of the difficulties he faced being gay in Queensland and ended his letter with the exclamation, ‘To hell with homophobic Queensland!’ This exclamation captures many of the tensions in Queensland in the 1970s and 1980s. While these decades were a time of immense political change for gay and lesbian Australians, Queensland's political culture was particularly resistant to the gay and lesbian rights movement.


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Siaroff

AbstractTwo of the new states of interwar Europe were Estonia and Finland. Both arose out of the Russian Empire and both were literate, Protestant nations. Yet democracy broke down in Estonia but survived in Finland. These outcomes would seem ironic, given that Finnish independence involved a brutal civil war and Finland was linguistically divided—factors not present in Estonia. This study, however, examines not just the nature of independence but also the constitutional structures, party politics and regime crises of these two neighbouring cases. In terms of the factors commonly cited as favouring stable democracy, the Estonian-Finnish contrast shows the particular explanatory importance of political culture, the speed of democratization, the views of elites and the nature of the party system. What happened in Finland also implies that a presidential, or at least a balanced semipresidential, system cannot be considered as inherently dangerous for democratic stability.


2004 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 641-661 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL LEDGER-LOMAS

William Pitt the Younger died in 1806 but had a long afterlife in political argument. Historians have argued that a reactionary cult of Pitt in early nineteenth-century toryism died with Catholic emancipation, but this article suggests that invocation of Pitt's character was more widespread and durable, because linked to the assertion and defence of party identities. Whig hostility to Pitt remained strong even in the middle of the nineteenth century. Lord John Russell attacked his character flaws to celebrate the continued vigour and distinctness of Foxite political culture within the Liberal party. Conversely, use of Pitt in argument about what the tory party should be like did not end with reform. In the 1830s, traditional celebration of Pitt as a stern opponent of revolutionary agitation survived within a supposedly moderate conservatism. In Peel's second administration, arguments about whether Pitt had been firm or flexible, liberal or intransigent, reflected and added to disputes about how much religious and economic liberalism Peel should endorse. It was schism between Peelites and protectionists, the article suggests, which broke the clear link between celebration of Pitt's character and one party, allowing a more wide-ranging, because less politically charged, appreciation of Pitt to develop.


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