Connecting the world of the Bronze Age

2021 ◽  
pp. 85-98
Author(s):  
Anthony Harding
Keyword(s):  
Antiquity ◽  
1941 ◽  
Vol 15 (60) ◽  
pp. 360-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. V. Grinsell

In many parts of the world and at many periods the practice has prevailed of depositing boats, or models or other representations of them, with the dead, either as a means of facilitating his supposed voyage to another world, or as a symbol of his maritime activities during his lifetime.That the former is generally the correct explanation of the custom there can be no doubt. This is shown by the evidence of the belief in a voyage to a future world, and the customs to which it has given rise, among living primitive peoples in the Pacific Islands and elsewhere, so well collected and presented by the late Sir J. G. Frazer. It is shown also by traditions such as that of our own king Arthur's journey by barge to ‘the island valley of Avilion, where falls not hail, or rain, or any snow’ It is shown also by the ancient Greek and Roman custom of placing a coin in the mouth of the dead to pay Charon's fee for ferrying him across the Styx.


Author(s):  
Eberhard Zangger ◽  
E.C. Krupp ◽  
Serkan Demirel ◽  
Rita Gautschy

Evidence of systematic astronomical observation and the impact of celestial knowledge on culture is plentiful in the Bronze Age societies of Egypt, Mesopotamia and Europe. An interest in astral phenomena is also reflected in Hittite documents, architecture and art. The rock-cut reliefs of 64 deities in the main chamber of Yazilikaya, a Hittite rock sanctuary associated with Hattusa, the Hittite capital in central Anatolia, can be broken into groups marking days, synodic months and solar years. Here, we suggest that the sanctuary in its entirety represents a symbolic image of the cosmos, including its static levels (earth, sky, underworld) and the cyclical processes of renewal and rebirth (day/night, lunar phases, summer/winter). Static levels and celestial cyclicities are emphasised throughout the sanctuary – every single relief relates to this system. We interpret the central panel with the supreme deities, at the far north end of Chamber A, as a reference to the northern stars, the circumpolar realm and the world axis. Chamber B seems to symbolise the netherworld.


2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 378-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Harding

The paper reviews the rise and utility of World Systems Theory in archaeology, with particular reference to Europe and the Bronze Age. After a consideration of its origins in the 1970s and 1980s, the main aspects of the theory are discussed. The evidence that shows that the Bronze Age world was highly interconnected is presented, and the implications of a World Systems view of the period considered. In an attempt to work towards a new narrative of the European Bronze Age, a brief discussion of network methods is introduced, since these offer an alternative, ‘bottom-up’, approach to the period which, it is argued, is more appropriate to the data than the World Systems approach.


Author(s):  
Р.П. Кулумбегов

В Осетии, как и повсеместно на Кавказе, бытовали традиционные мельницы двух основных типов – ручные и водяные. Мельничные механизмы, работающие посредством усилий домашних животных (ослов, верблюдов) или на силе ветра в регионе не получили распространение и были редким исключением. Древнейшим приспособлением для помола зерна была зернотерка, широко распространившаяся в неолите. Значительным шагом в совершенствовании технологии помола стал переход к использованию вращающегося жернова, то есть ручной мельницы. На территории Осетии они известны с эпохи бронзы. Водяные мельницы стали следующим этапом в развитии мукомольной технологии, значительно увеличив производительность. Для устройства мельницы было необходимо наличие источника воды, посредством которой создавался напор водяного потока, приводящий в действие мельничное колесо. В Осетии мельница, работающая от энергии воды, носила название къада куырой – «ручейная мельница». Помимо хозяйственных функций мельница в представлении земледельцев была связана с мифологией. Горцы полагали, что мельничный механизм, работающий без непосредственного участия человека, только на силе воды, является олицетворением сверхъестественных сил. Превращение зерна в муку, с использованием стихии воды, постоянный шум мельничного колеса, не прекращающийся даже ночью, обособленность строения, устные предания с магическим окрасом – все это заставляло относиться к мельнице как к обиталищу темной субстанции. Поэтому мельница является местом-локусом, связанным с мифопоэтическим представлением о мире, его границах, духах места и воды, зонах сакрального пространства и соответствующих им поведенческих норм. Если осетинская мельница къада куырой как элемент механизации труда земледельца описана достаточно полно, то мифологические представления, связанные с ней, все еще нуждаются в исследовании. In Ossetia, as everywhere in the Caucasus, mills were divided into two main types - manual and water. Mill mechanisms working through the efforts of domestic animals (donkeys, camels) or on the strength of the wind in the region under consideration were not widespread and were a rare exception. Hand mills are the most ancient mechanical device for grinding flour, and they have been known in Ossetia since the Bronze Age. Water mills have become the next step in the development of milling technology, greatly increasing productivity. For the work of the mill, it was necessary to have a source of water, by which the pressure of the water flow was created, and which was used to drive the mill wheel. In Ossetia a mill powered by water energy was called Qada Kuyroj. In addition to economic functions, the mill, in the view of agriculturalists was associated with mythology. The mountaineers believed that a mill mechanism that works without human involvement and only on the power of water is a manifestation of supernatural powers. The transformation of grain into flour, using water, the constant noise of the mill wheel, which doesn’t stop even at night, the isolation of the building, oral traditions with magical insides - all this made them treat mill as a place with dark substance. Therefore, the mill is a locus-place associated with mythopoetic idea of ​​the world, its borders, the spirits of place and water, zones of sacred space and behavioral norms. If Ossetian mill qada kwyroj, as the element of mechanization of the work for agriculturalists, is described quite fully, still the mythological ideas associated with it still need further research.


2019 ◽  
pp. 53-61
Author(s):  
Tatyana Yu. Sem ◽  

The article deals with the ancient roots of shamanism according to the materials of the petroglyphs of the Upper Amur, Aldan and Olekma of the Bronze Age and early Iron Age (2000–1000 BC) with the ethnographic parallels. In order to analyze the material, the author uses a set of methods – diachronic archaeological and ethnographic comparative research, iconographic and semantic analysis. According to the petroglyphs of the 11 images of shamans of the specified period, and two of the 18th century, describing the personality of shamans with ritual paraphernalia – a suit, a tambourine, a mallet, a baton, masks and a headdress. Two images in costumes were also dressed in masks of the supreme gods of heaven and thunder. All shaman figures are painted in the process of ritual actions. There are hunting rituals, ritual of receiving the heavenly grace of the calendar type, circular dances associated with the cult of the sun at the new year’s holiday, the ritual of seeing the soul into the world of the dead and the shaman's initial ritual of sacrifice to the spirits to strengthen the shaman's power depicted among the shamanistic rituals on the petroglyphs. The vast majority of the considered images of shamans with attributes and costumes, shamanistic rituals depicted in the petroglyphs of the Upper Amur and Aldan rivers have direct correspondences in the shamanism of the Tungus-Manchu peoples (Evenki, Nanai, Udege), which indicates a possible direction of cultural genesis in the region. In addition, some of the images have parallels with the spiritual culture of the ancient Indo-Europeans and Turkic-Mongols. Some images – radiant headdress, figures of thunderbolts – have analogies among the ancient Indo-European population of Karakol and Pribaikalye. Separate stories are genetically related to the Okunevites. Shamanic tambourines with vertical rungs are typical for the Altai and Tuvinians and were found in the Yakut group of Evenks.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-359
Author(s):  
I. Umarov

Ancient Bactria is a country where early urban planning traditions and foundations of statehood were formed in Central Asia. Historical sources give a lot of information about Ancient Bactria. In terms of development, the northern regions of Bactria were especially distinguished. Here, since the bronze age, agriculture, handicrafts, trade, culture, urban planning were highly developed and still attracts the attention of the world scientific community. This article provides information about the history of Ancient Bactria, its population, cities and historical regions based on Greco-Roman sources.


1969 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Reece

One of the major puzzles in the history of the Graeco-Roman world lies in the great discrepancy between its considerable achievements in art, in literature, in philosophy, in mathematics, and in medicine, and its very marked backwardness in most branches of technology. This is less surprising where the Romans are concerned, since, for all their admirable qualities in other directions, they were not a conspicuously original or inventive people. Even in those spheres in which they most excelled, the arts of government and warfare, they made few contributions of their own, and their strength lay rather in their skill at adapting to their own purposes the bright ideas of other men. It is significant that those two simple but important aids to improved horsemanship and cavalry tactics, the saddle and the stirrup, were not invented by the Romans, nor indeed by the Greeks, but by the nomadic tribes that pressed in on the Roman empire from the third century A.d. onwards. But with the Greeks the case is different. They were a highly intelligent people, gifted with a degree of inquisitiveness which made them unwilling to accept without question the outward appearance of the world in which they lived. Consequently in mathematics and certain branches of pure science they were able to make quite astonishing progress. But these intellectual advances were not accompanied by any marked degree of technological improvement. While Eratosthenes in Alexandria was calculating the circumference of the earth, and obtaining a figure that was less than i per cent short of the real one, the world around him was still more or less at the same technical level as it had been since the end of the Bronze Age. This contrast between theoretical brilliance and practical incompetence is great and dramatic, and it is the purpose of this paper to suggest some of the reasons why it existed.


Antiquity ◽  
1957 ◽  
Vol 31 (122) ◽  
pp. 68-72
Author(s):  
E. Vogt

For about a century it has been assumed that during the Neolithic and part of the Bronze Age the inhabitants of what is now Switzerland built pile-dwellings on the lakes. This interpretation of the finds was put forward, as is well known, by Dr F. Keller, who did so much for Swiss prehistory. His theory was based upon a comparison of the very scanty remains of prehistoric buildings in Switzerland with pile-dwellings that are to be seen today in many parts of the world, erected both on dry land and also on the shores of lakes and of the sea, standing in water. In spite of some opposition, Keller's interpretation appeared so convincing that it aroused great interest and was generally accepted by archaeologists. It was not accidental that Keller had one of his important books on piledwellings published in England. Every museum in the world endeavoured to obtain some specimens of the Swiss finds, and today it is practically impossible to make even an approximately complete list of the older finds from the pile-dwellings.


2002 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
John K. Papadopoulos

This article focuses on the early coinage of the Akhaian cities of South Italy — Sybaris, Kroton, Metapontion, Kaulonia, Poseidonia — against the backdrop of colonization. Minting an early and distinctive series of coins, these centres were issuing coinage well before their ‘mother-cities’, a phenomenon that has never been fully appreciated. With its origins in a colonial context, the Akhaian coinage of Magna Graecia not only differs from that of the early coin-minting states of the Greek mainland, it offers a case study that challenges long-held assumptions and potentially contributes to a better understanding of the origins of coinage. It does so by suggesting that coinage is much more than a symbol of authority and represents considerably more than just an abstract notion of sovereignty or hegemony. The images or emblems that the Akhaians of South Italy chose for their coins are those current in the contemporary cultural landscape of the historic Akhaians, but at the same time actively recall the world of the heroic Akhaians of the Bronze Age by referring to prehistoric measures of value. More than his, the vicissitudes of colonial and indigenous history in parts of South Italy in the Archaic period were not merely reflected in coinage, the coins themselves were central to the processes of transformation. By boldly minting — constructing — their identity on coinage, the Akhaians of South Italy chose money in order to create relations of dominance and to produce social orders that had not existed before.


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