Particularism versus Pluriculturalism

Author(s):  
Maud S. Mandel

This chapter traces the rise and fall of a Muslim–Jewish alliance to fight racism in 1980s France. It argues that the widespread excitement over the joint anti-racist campaign in the mid-1980s overlooked ongoing tensions between “particularistic” and “pluricultural” approaches to ethno-religious participation in the French state. Divisions over the Palestinian–Israeli conflict both prior to and during the 1991 Gulf War made these tensions evident as, once again, debates over the Middle East became a means of making sense of politics at home. Although calls for joint anti-racist campaigns never disappeared, by the end of the 1980s, those who articulated such appeals had backed away from a “pluricultural” model. While Muslims and Jews should work together, they argued, their perspectives and goals were necessarily divergent.

Author(s):  
Daniel Deudney

The end of the Cold War left the USA as uncontested hegemon and shaper of the globalization and international order. Yet the international order has been unintentionally but repeatedly shaken by American interventionism and affronts to both allies and rivals. This is particularly the case in the Middle East as the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the nuclear negotiations with Iran show. Therefore, the once unquestioned authority and power of the USA have been challenged at home as well as abroad. By bringing disorder rather than order to the world, US behavior in these conflicts has also caused domestic exhaustion and division. This, in turn, has led to a more restrained and as of late isolationist foreign policy from the USA, leaving the role as shaper of the international order increasingly to others.


1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Paul-Marie de La Gorce

With France in the lead, the European Community in 1996 seemed on the verge of cautiously asserting a more independent role in the Middle East peace process. This is in marked contrast to Europe's passive role for more than a decade following Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, and especially since the Gulf War, a period during which France and other major European powers acquiesced in U.S. domination of Arab-Israeli peace issues. Reviewing the history of European initiatives and absences during the cold war era, the author examines whether Europe now has the determination to chart its own peace policy despite U.S. and Israeli antagonism to its involvement.


1997 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Kavanaugh

Gender differences among parents experiencing the death of a live-born infant weighing less than 500 grams at birth have not been examined. This article presents the gender differences that were observed in a phenomenological study that examined the experiences of parents surrounding the death of a live-born infant weighing less than 500 grams at birth. A total of eighteen interviews were conducted with five mothers and three of their husbands between four and fifteen weeks after the loss. First, at the time of the loss, fathers reported a loss of control and a concern for the mother, and mothers reported extreme sadness. Second, as parents made the adjustment at home, fathers continued to show concern for the mother and coped by keeping busy. In comparison to fathers, mothers reported intense responses, coped by talking about the loss, experienced more difficult situations with others, such as being around infants, and had more difficulty making sense of the loss.


1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabri Sayari

With the end of the cold war, and particularly following the Gulf War, Turkey abandoned its low-profile posture in the Middle East for a more activist regional role. The Kurdish issue, the single most important item on the country's domestic and foreign policy agendas, has also had important implications for Turkey's Middle East policy, further exacerbating longstanding problems with Syria that in turn contributed to Ankara's decision to sign a military agreement with Israel. The rise to power of the Islamist Refah party in July 1996 in a coalition government is likely to have significant implications for the country's identity and relations both with the West and the Islamic world.


2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 199-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajeev S. Patke

Whether poetry gives knowledge or not is a question that has been debated from a variety of perspectives, depending on how a society or a culture defines knowledge, and on the function it ascribes to poetry in relation to that definition. The civilizations of Asia and the Middle East have generally taken the line that poetry deals primarily with affects, emotions and feelings. The West has had a more complicated history of responses. One way of making sense of this history is to map rival claims as split over the idea of scientific knowledge, where it affects notions of the poetic function. The mapping, through all its manifold branches, gives clear indications that claims to knowledge – both those made on behalf of poetry, and those denied to poetry – depend more on assumptions, predispositions and cultural conditioning than on rational argument or critical debate. The resulting variety also suggests that the cultural relativism that affects such debates is unlikely to arrive at resolutions except of the contingent kind.


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