Augustine of Hippo

Author(s):  
Christopher Brooke

This introductory chapter analyses the fourteenth book of The City of God against the Pagans (c. fifth century CE) by Augustine of Hippo. Book 14 contains the analysis of Adam and Eve's life in the Garden of Eden and their subsequent Fall. This is an episode central not only to his theological project, in that Augustine single-handedly created the doctrine of original sin that dominated the thinking of the Church for so long, but also to his political theory, because it provides the setting for the central categories of the work's overall argument. More importantly, the chapters in book 14 contain by far the most sustained rumination on Stoic philosophy to be found in the entire work.

2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Van Oort

The article explores how Augustine of Hippo (354-430) deals with the Jews and Judaism. First it investigates the occurrence and meaning of the word �Iudaeus� in Augustine�s works. It turns out that Augustine, unlike many a predecessor, does not make a sharp distinction between �Hebrew�, �Israelite�, and �Jew�. Mainly on the basis of The City of God the role of the Jews in history is discussed. According to Augustine, all true believers (even those living before the time of Jesus) are �Christ believers� and are considered to belong to Christ�s body, the Church. The diaspora of the Jews is evaluated both negatively and positively: negatively as a consequence of �their putting Christ to death�; positively since through the dispersion of the Jews their Scriptures have been dispersed as well and so provide �testimony to the truth taught by the Church�. The so-called �mark of Cain� can not be interpreted as a predominantly positive sign: it provides protection indeed, but this divine protection is, once again, �for the benefit of the Church�. Contrary to some current opinion, it is stressed that Augustine knew contemporary Jews in Roman North Africa quite well.


2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 693-711
Author(s):  
MATTHEW R. CRAWFORD

In the early fifth century, both Cyril of Alexandria and Augustine of Hippo used Eusebius of Caesarea's Chronicle in the writing of their respective apologetic treatises – Against Julian for Cyril and The city of God for Augustine. The present study compares the use that these two authors made of their predecessor and argues for two continuities between these acts of reception: the use of synchronisms between biblical and non-biblical history and the tracing of Mosaic monotheism through time. In both these respects, Cyril and Augustine were carrying forward themes of Christian apologetic that reached back to the second-century apologists.


Author(s):  
Cinzia Arruzza

A Wolf in the City is a study of tyranny and of the tyrant’s soul in Plato’s Republic. It argues that Plato’s critique of tyranny is an intervention in an ancient debate concerning the sources of the crisis of Athenian democracy and the relation between political leaders and the demos in the last decades of the fifth century BCE. The book shows that Plato’s critique of tyranny should not be taken as a veiled critique of the Syracusan tyrannical regime but, rather, as an integral part of his critique of Athenian democracy. The book also offers an in-depth and detailed analysis of all three parts of the tyrant’s soul, and contends that this approach is necessary to both fully appraise the complex psychic dynamics taking place in the description of the tyrannical man and shed light on Plato’s moral psychology and its relation with his political theory.


1970 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 183-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Vickers

In a recent important article on the mosaics of the basilica of St. Demetrius at Thessaloniki, R. S. Cormack proposes a list of churches in the city with mosaics ‘for which a late fifth century date must be considered.’ The list comprises the Acheiropoietos basilica, the first phase of the basilica of St. Demetrius, and Hosios David. The purpose of this article is to show that the mosaics of the second phase of the Rotunda (now known as the church of St. George) should be included in Cormack's list.The first thing to note about the Rotunda mosaics is that there has been less than unanimity concerning the date of their construction. Volbach, Lazarev and Cormack, amongst others, follow Dyggve and Torp in dating the mosaics to c. 400 or slightly earlier; Diehl and Dalton dated them to the fifth century, Weigand to the sixth and Holtzinger to the seventh or eighth century, all on largely stylistic grounds. What are obviously needed are some objective dating criteria, and these are to be found, not so much in the mosaics themselves, but rather in the building fabric and the furniture of the converted Rotunda. The conversion of the Rotunda, incidentally, consisted of the blocking of an opaion in the cupola and the addition of an ambulatory, a monumental entrance to the south, an apse to the east (Plate XXIII) and various subsidiary buildings to east and west. The mosaics were placed in the cupola and in the niches which connected the main body of the Rotunda with the ambulatory.


2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin H. Pohlmann

Apocalyptic biblical literature has played a significant role in motivating and mobilising Christians. As part of this genre, the Apocalypse of John has played this mobilising role within the church throughout its history. Jerusalem is often incorporated into this genre to conjure up different emotions and images to impact many different people. For example, the Jew annually recites the words to fellow Jews at every Passover meal: ‘Next year in Jerusalem’. Most Christians know the hymn ‘The holy city’, originally penned by Frederic Weatherly in 1892. It lifts many a spirit as it conjures up the idea of a beautiful, perfect, heavenly city of God. However, there is more to this apocalyptic vision, which will be explored in this article. The city upholds the hope of decent godly living today. Whilst Jerusalem is a city with an extremely chequered history, it remains to be the launching pad of a dream that believers can embrace in order to impact society for the better. The vision in Revelation 21–22 is the launch of the ‘idea’ of God’s intention for society today, and the ‘implementation impetus’ is the primary role of the church. In the greater scheme of things, the world community is the target group for a better society for everyone.Aanneming van ’n visioen van die Nuwe Jerusalem (Op 21:1–22:5) ten einde ’n invloed op lewe en die samelewing uit te oefen. Apokaliptiese Bybelliteratuur het ’n beduidende rol in die motivering en aansporing van Christengemeenskappe gespeel. Die Openbaring van Johannes het hierdie motiveringsrol deurgaans in die geskiedenis van die kerkas deel van dié genre vertolk. Jerusalem is dikwels hierby ingesluit om ’n verskeidenheid van emosies en beelde op te roep ten einde ’n impak op ’n verskeidenheid mense te maak. Die Jood, byvoorbeeld, haal jaarliks die volgende woorde teenoor mede-Jode tydens die Paasmaaltyd aan: ‘Volgende jaar in Jerusalem’. Die meeste Christene ken die gesang ‘The holy city’ wat oorspronklik deur Frederic Weatherly in 1892 geskryf is. Dit hef menige gelowiges se gemoedere op omdat dit die beeld van ’n pragtige, perfekte stad van God oproep. Daar is egter meer aan hierdie openbaringsuitsig wat in hierdie artikel verder ondersoek word. Die hemelstad bekragtig die hoop vir ’n godvrugtige lewe vandag. Alhoewel Jerusalem ’n stad met ’n uiters veelbewoë geskiedenis is, is dit tog die beginpunt vir hierdie droom van gelowiges om die samelewing te verbeter. Die visioen in Openbaring 21–22 is die bekendstelling van die ‘idee’ van God se bedoeling vir ons hedendaagse samelewing en die ‘vervullende beweegkrag’ is die primêre rol van die kerk. Holisties beskou, is die wêreldgemeenskap die teikengroep vir ’n beter samelewing vir almal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-135
Author(s):  
Ad de Bruijne

RésuméLes chrétiens ont souvent fait face à des tensions entre leur identité chrétienne et leur statut de citoyens d’une démocratie. Ces tensions constituent une forme particulière de l’inévitable problème fondamental que rencontrent les chrétiens dans toute société au sein de laquelle ils vivent. À la suite de Saint Augustin, on peut exprimer cela en terme de la difficulté à articuler la double appartenance, à la cité de Dieu d’une part et à la « cité des hommes » de l’autre. En dépit de ces tensions, et en vertu de la providence divine, la participation des chrétiens peut aussi contribuer à des bénédictions temporaires pour la société à laquelle ils appartiennent. L’histoire du monde occidental en fournit bien des exemples, dont fait partie l’émergence même des démocraties. Dans le contexte postchrétien actuel, ces fruits historiques de l’influence chrétienne sont souvent dissociés de leurs racines et deviennent par conséquent instables, ou sont contrecarrés par des difficultés, voire des impasses. Ayant conservé leurs racines, les chrétiens peuvent souvent clarifier les choses et proposer des solutions. La contribution chrétienne peut s’avérer fructueuse, par exemple dans le contexte contemporain de l’opposition entre la version libérale de la démocratie de l’Europe occidentale et la version non libérale de l’Europe de l’Est. L’auteur conclut en mentionnant cinq points devant retenir l’attention concernant la participation de chrétiens à la vie d’une démocratie : il s’agit de rester attaché à l’Église qui constitue la communauté politique du Royaume à venir, de considérer l’identification à un organe politique terrestre comme demeurant secondaire, de promouvoir des activités au bénéfice de la société depuis le sein de l’Église, de tenir compte du fait que les objectifs moraux dans le contexte de la société doivent être différents de ceux que l’on adopte dans le contexte de l’Église, et de demeurer fidèle à un style de vie prophétique par la parole et les actes.SummaryChristians have traditionally experienced tensions between their Christian identity and their citizenship in a democracy. This tension is a special variant of the inevitable underlying classical challenge for Christians in all societies where they live. Following Augustine, this can be expressed as the challenge to combine the dual citizenships of the city of God and the ‘city of man’. Despite such tensions, under God’s providence the participation of Christians can also lead to temporary blessings for their societies. Western history provides many examples of this, the development of democracy being one of them. In the current post-Christian context these historical fruits of Christian influence have often become detached from their roots and therefore become unstable or burdened by difficulties and even deadlocks. Being still connected to that root, Christians can often provide clarification and contribute to solutions. This Christian contribution can be made fruitful, for example, in the contemporary clash between Western European liberal and Eastern European illiberal versions of democracy. The article concludes with five points of attention for Christian participation in a democracy: staying anchored in the Church as the political community of the future kingdom, considering earthly political identifications as secondary, developing public grass roots activities from within the Church, realising that moral aims in the context of society have to be different from those in the context of the Church, and remaining faithful to a prophetic lifestyle in word and deed.ZusammenfassungChristen erleben für gewöhnlich Spannungen zwischen ihrer Identität als Christ und als Staatsbürger in einer Demokratie. Diese Spannung stellt eine besondere Variante der unvermeidlichen klassischen Herausforderung dar, der Christen in jeglicher Gesellschaftsform begegnen. Gemäß Augustinus mag sich dies in der Schwierigkeit ausdrücken, die doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft in der ,,Stadt Gottes“ und der ,,Stadt der Menschen“ miteinander zu vereinen. Trotz derartiger Spannungen kann durch die Vorsehung Gottes auch der Einfluss von Christen zu vorübergehenden Segnungen für ihre Gesellschaft führen. Die westliche Geschichte liefert viele Beispiele hierfür, und die Entwicklung der Demokratie ist nur eines davon. Im gegenwärtigen nachchristlichen Kontext haben sich diese historisch gewachsenen Ergebnisse christlichen Einflusses häufig von ihren Wurzeln gelöst und wurden daher unstabil oder von Schwierigkeiten und sogar Blockaden überfrachtet. Solange Christen immer noch mit diesen Wurzeln verbunden sind, sind sie oftmals in der Lage, für eine Klärung von Situationen zu sorgen und zu Lösungen beizutragen. Dieser christliche Einfluss kann zum Beispiel im gegenwärtigen Konflikt zwischen liberalen westeuropäischen und illiberalen osteuropäischen Formen von Demokratie genutzt werden. Der Artikel schließt mit fünf Punkten, die für den Beitrag von Christen in einer Demokratie zu berücksichtigen sind: Christen bleiben in der Gemeinde als der politischen Gemeinschaft des künftigen Reiches Gottes verhaftet, säkulare politische Zuordnungen werden als sekundär betrachtet, öffentliche Basisaktivitäten werden aus der Gemeinde heraus entwickelt, in der Einsicht, dass sich ethische Zielsetzungen im gesellschaftlichen Kontext von jenen im Gemeindekontext unterscheiden müssen und unter der Voraussetzung, dass Christen einem prophetischen Lebensstil in Wort und Tat treu bleiben.


Author(s):  
Aléssio Alonso Alves

The purpose of this article is to analyse how nature and love were presented and employed as foundations of human society by the Dominican friar Giordano de Pisa (c. 1260- 1311) in his preaching in the early fourteenth-century Florence, Italy. It will be analysed the reportationes of three of his sermons preached on the same liturgical date (Eighteenth Sunday after Trinity Sunday), between 1303 and 1305, which adopts as thema the verse Diliges proximum tuum sicut te ipsum (Love your neighbour as yourself); a model-sermon of the same liturgical date (c. 1267-1286) by the also Dominican Iacopo de Varazze (1228-1298); and a homily of Augustine of Hippo (354-430) from the early fifth century. Thus, it is stressed that Giordano approached the subject both by the use of an Aristotelian-naturalist theory as well as by an Augustinian-voluntarist conception, and it is concluded that the greater emphasis given to the first line of thought is due to its more positive character as regards the city, which allowed a treatment more consistent with the preaching thema and with its internal composition mechanisms.


1973 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 144-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin N. Raitiere

Homas More ‘read for a good space a public lecture of St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, in the Church of St. Lawrence in the Old Jewry’ shortly after his appointment about 1501 as Utter Barrister in Lincoln's Inn. Stapleton tells us that More's lectures did not treat The City of God ‘from the theological point of view, but from the standpoint of history and philosophy’; but Stapleton is relatively late (1588), and it is unclear whether he was rather inferring from More's situation as a layman and a common lawyer than speaking out of any real knowledge of the content of More's lectures. The lectures are not extant, but Stapleton's report together with the humanists’ anti-intellectualistic bias helps to shape conjecture on their character; Chambers thought they ‘may have embodied some of the criticism of social evils which More later put into Utopia’.


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