scholarly journals Opening and Changes of the Firms TIC: Case of Cuts Internet in Political Matter in Democratic Republic of Congo

Author(s):  
Julien Bokilo Lossayi

The cuts of Internet in political matter started with "Arab spring" and since then know a fast progression in Africa at the point to become an international public problem today putting in scene the modes in place, in certain African States, and their opponents. Indeed, in what appears as a battle for the control of information and the control of the public opinion, there are on a side the African governments which, to justify the interruption of Internet, propose the need for safeguarding of the law and order like act of sovereignty, in fact the right to prevent the misinformation and any illegal publication of the electoral data. On the other side, there are the oppositions which view this step as the violation of the principles of freedoms, in particular the freedom of expression, at ends of fiddle of the electoral data. The scientific stake of this analysis, starting from African case studies, and of the RDC in particular, is to reflect on the ambivalence of the decision to cut Internet, in order to as well show the consequences of these restrictions on the economy, the credibility of the elections, the social one and, by the same occasion, to carry a glance on the reaction of the international community.

Author(s):  
Dirk Voorhoof

The normative perspective of this chapter is how to guarantee respect for the fundamental values of freedom of expression and journalistic reporting on matters of public interest in cases where a (public) person claims protection of his or her right to reputation. First it explains why there is an increasing number and expanding potential of conflicts between the right to freedom of expression and media freedom (Article 10 ECHR), on the one hand, and the right of privacy and the right to protection of reputation (Article 8 ECHR), on the other. In addressing and analysing the European Court’s balancing approach in this domain, the characteristics and the impact of the seminal 2012 Grand Chamber judgment in Axel Springer AG v. Germany (no. 1) are identified and explained. On the basis of the analysis of the Court’s subsequent jurisprudence in defamation cases it evaluates whether this case law preserves the public watchdog-function of media, investigative journalism and NGOs reporting on matters of public interest, but tarnishing the reputation of public figures.


Human Affairs ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olatunji Oyeshile

Sense of Community and its Sustenance in AfricaThere is no gainsaying the fact that Africa is inundated with many problems which have made the development and the attainment of social order, conceived in normative terms, daunting tasks. It is also a fact that there are many causes of this scenario such as political marginalization, ethnic chauvinism, economic mismanagement, religious bigotry and corruption in its various facets. However, in this disquisition we identify the lack of the development, internalization and application of the sense of community, loosely tagged community consciousness, as a major factor that has aggravated the African crisis and which if addressed can reverse the order of things positively. It is the contention of this paper that fundamentally in the case of Africa, as shown in countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Cote d'Ivoire, Guinea, Liberia and Nigeria, there has been a blind pursuit of private or individual interests to the detriment of the public sphere or public good. Ironically too, when leaders put up repressive laws in the pretense to pursue the public good, the underlying motive has always been the pursuit of selfish private whims and caprices. We noted that in contemporary Africa a major way towards a desired level of social order and development consists in engendering the required sense of community (a situation in which there is mutual co-operation, interdependence and fellow-feeling) on which other developments can be predicated. Although, the quest and realization of the sense of community is not a grand solution to our myriad of problems in Africa, at least it forms the basis on which we can start to address our problems in Africa in a meaningful way.


Author(s):  
Erika Maria Sampaio Rocha ◽  
Thiago Dias Sarti ◽  
George Dantas de Azevedo ◽  
Jonathan Filippon ◽  
Carlos Eduardo Gomes Siqueira ◽  
...  

Abstract: Introduction: The scarcity and inequalities in the geographical distribution of physicians challenge the consolidation of the right to health and create migratory flows that increase health inequities. Due to their complex and multidimensional characteristics, they demand multisectoral political approaches, considering several factors related to the availability and area of practice of medical doctors, as well as the social vulnerability of local populations. Objective: This study aimed at analysing results of the “Mais Médicos” (More Doctors) Program Educational Axis in Brazil. Methodology: A documental research was conducted, highlighting the location and the public or private nature of new undergraduate medical school vacancies between the years 2013 until 2017, which were then compared to the goals and strategies outlined in the official Program documents. Results: The Educational Axis reached important milestones despite the resistance of some institutional actors. The Program extended its undergraduate vacancies by 7696 places, 22.48% of that in public institutions and 77.52% in private ones. Vacancy distribution prioritized cities in rural areas of Brazil, at the same instance bringing forward significant regulatory changes for undergraduate medical courses. However, political disputes with representatives of medical societies and stakeholders interested in favouring the private educational and healthcare sectors surface in the official discourses and documents. These factors weakened the program normative body, creating a hiatus between its core objectives and respective implementation. Evidence related to the concentration of vacancies in the Southeast regions allow the maintenance of a known unequal workforce distribution, despite a proportionally bigger increase in the Midwest, North and Northeast regions. Conclusion: The predominance of vacancies in private institutions and the weakening of the new undergraduate courses monitoring instruments can compromise changes in the graduate students’ profiles, which are necessary for the fixation of physicians in strategic geographic areas to promote Primary Healthcare.


Author(s):  
Jef Ausloos

This chapter zooms in on Article 17 GDPR, on the right to erasure (‘right to be forgotten’). It meticulously dissects the three paragraphs of this provision. The first paragraph lists six rights-to-erasure triggers which can be summarized as: (a) purpose expiration; (b) withdrawal of consent; (c) right to object; (d) unlawful processing; (e) legal obligation; and (f) withdrawal of consent by minors in the online environment. The second paragraph comprises an odd extension of the right to erasure, enabling data subjects to request that controllers who have made the personal data public, communicate potential erasure to anyone else processing that same personal data. The third paragraph lists five exemptions to the right to erasure, summarized as: (a) freedom of expression and information; (b) legal obligation or task carried out in the public interest or official authority; (c) public interest in the area of public health; (d) public interest archiving, scientific and historical research, or statistical purposes; and (e) legal claims. What becomes clear right away is how both the right-to-erasure’s triggers and exemptions all refer to other legal provisions in and outside the GDPR. As such, the right to erasure can be seen as a central hub in the GDPR, bringing together key data protection principles from the perspective of data subject empowerment.


Author(s):  
Koen Vlassenroot ◽  
Emery Mudinga ◽  
Josaphat Musamba

Abstract This article discusses the social mobility of combatants and introduces the notion of circular return to explain their pendular state of movement between civilian and combatant life. This phenomenon is widely observed in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where Congolese youth have been going in and out of armed groups for several decades now. While the notion of circular return has its origins in migration and refugee studies, we show that it also serves as a useful lens to understand the navigation capacity between different social spaces of combatants and to describe and understand processes of incessant armed mobilization and demobilization. In conceptualizing these processes as forms of circular return, we want to move beyond the remobilization discourse, which is too often connected to an assumed failure of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration processes. We argue that this discourse tends to ignore combatants’ agency and larger processes of socialization and social rupture as part of armed mobilization.


PMLA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 133 (3) ◽  
pp. 594-609
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Emmerich ◽  
Nicole G. Burgoyne ◽  
Andrew B. B. Hamilton

East german literary history is a case study of how political and cultural institutions interact. the state's cultural regime mo-nopolized the right to publish within its borders and demanded that the nation's new art describe contemporary life or its precedents. Even authors seen in the West as dissidents understood themselves, more often than not, as pursuing that goal and the broader aims of socialism with their work. During the lifespan of the German Democratic Republic, this political albatross weighed on all literary scholarship. Even now, whatever their feelings toward the socialist state, scholars, critics, and readers are bound to approach a text from East Germany as an artifact of its political culture—and rightly, because the political sphere encroached heavily on the artistic. But since German unification, the rise and fall in the stock of so many East German authors has directly resulted from political revelations, raising a number of troubling questions. Though historical distance seemed to have sprung up as abruptly as the Berlin Wall had come down, to what extent does scholarship from the German Democratic Republic represent only a heightened case of what is always true of literary history— namely, that political motivation colors critical evaluation? Is it possible to consider a work of literature with no recourse to the social and political circumstances under which it was written? And would it even be desirable to do so?


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Niaz A. Shah

AbstractThe right to freedom of expression is a qualified right: it allows expression that might ‘offend, shock or disturb’ but prohibits ‘insults’, ‘abusive attacks’ and ‘hate speech’. Applying the Convention test I argue that all cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad, which although might offend Muslims, are an acceptable form of expression in Western democracies except cartoon number two implying the Prophet Muhammad as a ‘terrorist’ which is ‘insulting’ and ‘an abusive attack’ on the Muslim community and Islam. In the post-9/11 circumstances, it may be viewed as a vehicle for instigating hatred against the Muslim community. By critiquing the inaction of Denmark and France, I argue that failure to prosecute Jyllands-Posten and Charlie Hebdo violates Articles 9(1) of the European Convention and the Danish Criminal Code and the French Freedom of Press Act 1881. Relying on ECtHR’s jurisprudence, I argue that the values of the Convention and democracy aim to nurture a society based on tolerance, social peace, non-discrimination and broad-mindedness. The public space is a shared space and no single group – religious and non-religious – can monopolise nor intimidate it.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-68
Author(s):  
Harold Sougato Baroi ◽  
Shawkat Alam ◽  
Carlos Bernal

Legal implementation has always been a challenge in Bangladesh. The Right to Information Act 2009 (the RTI Act) was introduced in Bangladesh with the objective of ensuring people’s access to government information for improving accountability and empowering people to participate in decisions that shape the social, economic, and political aspects of their lives. However, this article suggests that there has been no significant improvement in accessing government information despite the enactment and the strategies for the implementation of the RTI Act. Most citizens are unaware of their legal entitlements to seek and receive information. Only a small number of applications have been registered with public offices since the RTI Act was introduced in 2009. The article argues that one of the main reasons behind the lack of improvement is that the chosen implementation approach fails to engage the public to exercise their right to access information related to government services. This article claims that a proactive and deliberative approach to information disclosure is a much better alternative to the current scheme for implementing the RTI Act.


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