scholarly journals Pigeon-Human Negotiations through Practice

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 56-80
Author(s):  
Dawn M Gaietto

This is an exploration of the (un)common worlds of the pigeon and the human in London, through the lens of anthrodecentric art and the installation of a pigeon loft. To engage with this encounter is look, see, and be with another. Human-pigeon ties of relation are long-standing, as from 10,000 years ago the pigeon has lived cooperatively with the human species. More recently, the pigeon was the starting point of contemporary mail systems and messenger pigeons were active serving members of the armed forces in World War II, ablpie to carry out missions when humans were unfit and incapable. Given developments in mechanical and digital technologies, the pigeon has been deprived of its use-value as technology. The project Pigeon-Human Negotiations presents a diagrammatic model that affords the pigeon a use-value in contemporary London – their scavenging behaviours are recognised for their utility as a bio-recycling system. Here I present this arts practice-led research project under three lenses of analysis: the space of function, the space of re-presentation, and the sphere of translation. Herein lies the intersection of pigeon/art/human, within the bio-recycling capacities of the pigeon, the functions of art as re-purposer and subsequently assigner of value, the human can consume this art work predicated on the active presence of the non-human, and their agency through the artwork, which allows the rubbish produced by the human to be bio-recycled into the realm of value.

Author(s):  
Mark Douglas

The history of ethics in the Presbyterian Church has been shaped by the theological commitments of Reformed theology, the church’s ecumenical and interreligious encounters, its interactions with the wider cultures in which it functions, and its global scope. Consequently, Presbyterian ethics have become increasingly diverse, culturally diffused, ecumenically directed, and frequently divisive. That said, its history can helpfully be divided into three lengthy periods. In the first (roughly from the church’s origins in 1559 to the Second Great Awakening in the early nineteenth century), theology, ethics, and politics are so interwound that distinguishing one from the others is difficult. In the second (roughly from the Second Great Awakening to the end of World War II), moral concerns emerge as forces that drive the church’s theology and polity. And in the third (for which proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 might be a heuristically helpful starting point), ethics increasingly functions in ways that are only loosely tethered to either Reformed theology or polity. The strength of the church’s social witness, the consistency of its global engagements, and the failings of its internecine strife are all evident during its five-hundred-year history.


1949 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 534-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney W. Souers

The National Security Council, created by the National Security Act of 1947, is the instrument through which the President obtains the collective advice of the appropriate officials of the executive branch concerning the integration of domestic, foreign, and military policies relating to the national security. An outline of the genesis of this new governmental agency will indicate in part its present rôle.Even before World War II, a few far-sighted men were seeking for a means of correlating our foreign policy with our military and economic capabilities. During the war, as military operations began to have an increasing political and economic effect, the pressure for such a correlation increased. It became apparent that the conduct of the war involved more than a purely military campaign to defeat the enemy's armed forces. Questions arose of war aims, of occupational policies, of relations with governments-in-exile and former enemy states, of the postwar international situation with its implications for our security, and of complicated international machinery.


2006 ◽  
pp. 253-270
Author(s):  
Jovan Ilic

The Serbs are first mentioned in the west part of the Balkan peninsula in 822. They populated the regions east of the river Cetina, mountain Pljesevica and the area between the rivers Una and Kupa. It means that the significant part of the present Republic of Croatia had been populated by the Serbs since the settlement of the Slavs. The main regions mostly populated by the Serbs were north-west Dalmatia, the larger part of Lika and Kordun, Banija, west Slavonia and smaller sections in east Slavonia, west Srem and Baranya. Social-political circumstances for the life of the Serbs in Croatia were mostly very unfavorable. Extremely unfavourable circumstances were during World War II in The Independent State of Croatia, when the Croatian ustasha fighters carried out an extensive, systematic, comprehensive and bestial genocide, that is ethnocide over the Serbs. The second genocide, that is ethnocide over the Serbs in Croatia was carried out in the civil ethnic-religious war 1991-1995, specially in 1995. In these years, the nationalist- chauvinist, antiserbian movement and war suddenly flared up in Croatia. The Serbs living there were forced to defend, so on December 19 1991 they proclaimed The Republic of Srpska Krajina. However, the Croatian armed forces were military stronger. The Serbs were defeated and punished by the total destruction of their property and mass expulsion. In that cruel civil-ethnic war, about 276.000 Serbs were expelled from Croatia, several thousand of them were killed. About 40.000 Serbian houses were destroyed and 380 Serbian villages were burnt. Hundreds of Serbian-Orthodox religious edifices were burnt or destroyed. The value of the destroyed or plundered Serbian property in Croatia was estimated at about 30 billion euros. According to the official Croatian data, in the last several years about 60.000 Serbs-refugees returned from Serbia to their native land, mostly older persons or those who returned to sell their property and leave Croatia again. About 40.000 of them went to live abroad. However, the Serbs-returnees still live in very difficult conditions, discriminated in all segments of life primarily when it comes to employment.


2021 ◽  
pp. 355-378
Author(s):  
Renata Król-Mazur

MARIA KRZECZUNOWICZ (1895-1945?) – “THE RIGHT HAND” OF GENERAL TADEUSZ BÓR-KOMOROWSKI – PROLEGOMENA The aim of the work is to outline the figure of Maria Krzeczunowicz (aka “Dzidzia”, “Dzidzi”, “Wanda”, “Roma”, “Maria Rzewuska”, “Maria Piotrowska”), a landowner who during World War II rendered great services to the Home Army of the Kraków Area, as well as to the courier activity in the “South” section. The author focuses on presenting her underground work in the country (ZWZ-AK Kraków Area) and in the ZWZ-AK foreign military contact base in Budapest. The article outlines her activities as an emissary and courier. A hypothesis was put forward about the possible cooperation of M. Krzeczunowicz with British intelligence. Unfortunately, due to the pandemic situation at the time of writing this text and the related limitations in the availability of source materials, it was not possible to fully describe the figure of this wonderful woman. The author had to be limited to only providing a biographical outline – many issues were not touched at all or only signalled. Therefore, this work is a starting point for further, in-depth research on the biography of one of the most trusted associates of Gen. Tadeusz Bór-Komorowski and at the same time the most trusted courier of the Polish independence underground.


Author(s):  
Lars Öhrström

The two men in white anoraks were slowly approaching, skiing in the bitter cold over the Hardangervidda mountain plateau in the winter of 1943. Were they friends or foes? This was a matter of life and death for the six young men watching the only other living beings in sight for miles of snow-clad wilderness. Their pace was slow, the men were thin and didn’t look too well, just as if they might well have spent 130 days of the winter of 1942–43 hidden in a rudimentary hut on the mountain, surviving on moss and poached reindeer. It had to be them. The group’s leader, Joachim Rønneberg, decided to make contact. This story is first a tragedy and then a success, and it does not begin on the Hardangervidda but in Scotland where Britain’s ski capital, the small town of Aviemore in the Cairngorms National Park, is going to be our starting point for several dangerous journeys across the North Sea. A few years ago we drove up the main mountain road, eventually leading to the Cairn Gorm peak itself, 4,084 feet (1,245 metres) above sea level, and passed the park’s visitors’ centre located in pretty surroundings by a small lake. We glimpsed something flapping in the wind that did look a bit like the Union Jack, an unlikely occurrence in the highlands. We turned around and took the path up the hill, and soon discovered that what we first mistook for the British ensign, because of its colours, was in fact the Norwegian national flag. In 1468, when the Norwegians gave away their last Scottish possessions to King James III in Edinburgh, the Norwegian flag had not even been invented, so we were a wee bit curious as to why it was flying here, in the heart of the Cairngorms. But of course, mountains, snow, and skiing—what could be more Norwegian? And this simplistic reasoning is actually closer to the answer than we might have thought, as a commemorative sign told us that on this spot were the lodgings of the famous Kompani Linge during World War II.


2003 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 622-653
Author(s):  
Denise V. Powers

In May 2001, Yad Vashem's removal of portions of a recently unearthed mural painted during World War II by creative artist Bruno Schulz was enormously controversial, not only because of the questionable circumstances in which they were taken, but also because several parties had a legitimate claim to them. This article examines the dispute over the Schulz murals, illustrating how competing narratives of national identity—Polish, Jewish, and Ukranian—have infused the debate with particular intensity. Claims to the murals have been advanced largely on the basis of moral rights, which are grounded—explicitly or implicitly—in each nation's experience of collective suffering and victimhood. While not an exhaustive discussion of all the national dimensions of the debate, it is a starting point for understanding how the interplay of national identities shapes political claims in general, and underpins specifically the debate over the Schulz murals.


1954 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Lowell Matson
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