scholarly journals West Papuan journalists today: An alternative human rights perspective from Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-139
Author(s):  
Ana Nadhya Abrar

This article examines the curiosity of journalists in West Papua about the notion of human rights. The selection of this theme as a focus of research can be seen as a concern for the role of journalists in the enforcement of human rights. The selection of West Papuan journalists for research departs from the position of journalists as perpetrators of journalism activities. The author has proposed four disciplines of writing news about human rights violations in West Papua: 1) the level of curiosity of the notion of human rights by West Papuan journalists; 2) the intellectual attitude of West Papuan journalists; 3) the terms of reference for practising journalism skills in writing news about human rights violations in West Papua; and 4) news about human rights violations in West Papua. To test the level of curiosity about human rights of West Papuan journalists, the author carried out indepth interviews with Benny Mawel (a journalist with tabloidjubi.com) and Arnold Belau (a journalist with suarapapua.com). The findings are discussed in terms of journalists as professionals. The author argues that that the focus on the notion of human rights in West Papua has begun to diminish.

2021 ◽  
pp. 103985622110054
Author(s):  
Sarah Mares ◽  
Kym Jenkins ◽  
Susan Lutton ◽  
Louise Newman AM

Objective: This paper highlights the significant mental health vulnerabilities of people who have sought asylum in Australia and their additional adversities as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic. Conclusions: Australia’s policies in relation to asylum seekers result in multiple human rights violations and add significantly to mental health vulnerabilities. Despite a majority being identified as refugees, people spend years in personal and administrative limbo and are denied resettlement in Australia. Social isolation and other restrictions associated with Covid-19 and recent reductions in welfare and housing support compound their difficulties. The clinical challenges in working with people impacted by these circumstances and the role of psychiatrists and the RANZCP in advocacy are identified.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 207-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Lessa ◽  
Cara Levey

With the increasing opportunities for justice ushered in by the repeal of the Full Stop and Due Obedience laws in 2005, the struggles for memory and justice by Argentina’s H.I.J.O.S. (Sons and Daughters for Identity and Justice against Forgetting and Silence) have shifted focus. Pre-2005, the organization used escraches (public demonstrations in which the perpetrators of human rights violations are “outed”) to respond to the problem of top-down impunity in Argentina, condemn the atrocities, and expose the legal immunity enjoyed by the perpetrators. Post-2005, it has employed escraches to bring to the fore shortcomings in the judicial sphere by widening its selection of targets. Furthermore, new activities outside and inside the courtroom reflect the new landscape of justice, celebrating the advent of justice and accompanying victims, survivors, and witnesses in this process while continuing to highlight persistent shortcomings and obstacles in the judicial sphere. Con las nuevas oportunidades para la justicia que trajo la anulación de las leyes de Punto Final y de Obediencia Debida en 2005, la organización argentina H.I.J.O.S. (Hijos e Hijas por la Identidad y la Justicia contra el Olvido y el Silencio) ha reorientado el enfoque de sus luchas por la memoria y la justicia. Antes de 2005, la organización usaba los escraches (manifestaciones públicas en las cuales los responsables de violaciones derechos humanos son “sacados del closet” o puestos al descubierto) para responder al problema de la impunidad en la Argentina, condenar las atrocidades y poner de manifiesto la impunidad legal de la cual gozaban los autores de las violaciones. Después de 2005, los escraches ampliaron la selección de sus blancos de ataque y sirvieron para llamar la atención sobre las deficiencias del sistema judicial. Además, las nuevas actividades fuera y dentro de los tribunales reflejan el nuevo panorama de la justicia, al celebrar la llegada de la misma y acompañar a las víctimas, a los sobrevivientes y a los testigos en este proceso mientras continúan denunciando las deficiencias y los obstáculos persistentes en la esfera judicial.


Author(s):  
Nina I. Karpachova

The task of this paper is to study the role of international human rights organizations in response to the conflict taking place in eastern Ukraine. The study is based on recent reports from the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the OSCE on Ukraine. The relevance of the stated topic is determined by the situation with human rights violations in the armed conflict in Ukraine and the significant role of international human rights organizations, making active efforts to resolve it. The purpose of this study is to determine the main aspects of the role that international organizations play in resolving this range of issues. This will help to identify potential opportunities to tackle the problem with human rights violations in the Ukrainian territories. The study combines quantitative and qualitative research of the entire spectrum of issues brought into the subject. The main results obtained are: analysis of the role and place of international human rights organizations in assessing the situation with the conflict in the Ukrainian territories and obtaining statistical information on the current status of human rights violations in these territories. The value of this paper lies in obtaining practical recommendations for finding ways to peacefully resolve the conflict in the East of Ukraine and implementing comprehensive measures to create conditions for the protection of human rights in this region


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma. Rhea Gretchen Arevalo Abuso

The 2016 national elections in the Philippines have been regarded as the most revealing and consequential democratic practice to the human rights situation in the country for two reasons. First, the overwhelming election of Rodrigo Duterte to the presidency was because of his campaign promise to rid the country of drugs and criminality within “3 to 6 months” through bloody and violent means. Second, the son and namesake of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, whose authoritarian regime in the 1970’s was responsible for countless human rights violations, narrowly lost his vice-presidential bid by a mere 270,000 votes. These turns of events beg the question: how could Filipinos, who experienced a bloody and violent regime at the hands of a dictator, choose to elect national leaders widely associated with human rights violations? This paper addresses this question through the use of in-depth interviews with Filipino college students in key cities in the Philippines in order to describe the Marcos regime from the perspective of the generation that did not experience the period. The research aimed to understand how memories of past human rights violations are formed and shaped, how these memories are crucial to the improvement of the human rights situation in society, and how to ensure that mistakes of the past are not repeated. The study found that widespread revisionist notions about the Marcos regime can be attributed to the absence of meaningful martial law and human rights education in the country.  However, the study also found that young Filipinos regard the social institution of education as the most trustworthy bearer of information on human rights and violent regimes. This highlights the crucial role of schools and educators in promoting human rights in society.


Author(s):  
Tim Dunne ◽  
Marianne Hanson

This chapter examines the role of human rights in international relations. It first considers the theoretical issues and context that are relevant to the link between human rights and the discipline of international relations, focusing on such concepts as realism, liberalism, and constructivism. It then explores key controversies over human rights as understood in international relations as a field of study: one is the question of state sovereignty; another is the mismatch between the importance attached to human rights at the declaratory level and the prevalence of human rights abuses in reality. The chapter also discusses two dimensions of international responsibility: the duty to protect their citizens that is incumbent on all states in light of their obligations under the various human rights covenants; and the duty of states to act as humanitarian rescuers in instances where a state is collapsing or a regime is committing gross human rights violations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-104
Author(s):  
Frédéric Mégret

The overarching focus on the United Nations and its agents for human rights violations and abuses they may have committed, as well as the attention to troop contributing states and even ‘victims’, has broadly shifted attention away from the role of the host state in peace operation. This article seeks to unpack that omission and suggests that it is far more problematic than commonly thought, in particular because it tends to reproduce some of the problematic features of the political economy of peacekeeping that are the background of rights abuses in the first place. Instead, as part of a tradition of thinking of human rights in terms of sovereign protection, the article makes the case for taking much more seriously the role that the host state can and should have in order to address abuses by international organizations. It emphasises how international legal discourse has tended to ‘give up’ on the host state, but also how host states have themselves been problematically quiescent about violations occurring on their territory. This has forced victims to take the improbable route of seeking to hold the UN accountable directly, bereft of the sort of legal and political mediation which one would normally expect their sovereign to provide. The article contributes some thoughts as to why host states have not taken up their citizens’ cause more forcefully with the United Nations, including governmental weakness, a domestic culture of rights neglect, but also host state dependency on peace operations. The article then suggests some leads to rethink the role of the host state in such circumstances. It points out relevant avenues under international law as well as specifically under international human rights law, drawing on the literature developed to theorise the responsibilities of states in relation to private third-party non-state actors within their jurisdiction. It argues that there is no reason why the arguments developed with private actors, notably corporations, in mind could not be applied to public actors such as the UN. Finally, the article suggests some concrete ways in which the host state could more vigorously take up the cause of rights abuses against international organizations including by requiring the setting up of standing claims commissions or making more use of its consent to peace operations, as well as ways in which it could be forced to do so through domestic law recourses. The article concludes by suggesting that reinstating the host state within what should be its natural prerogatives will not only be a better way of dealing with UN abuses, but also more conducive to the goals of peacekeeping and state construction.


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