Anti-Jewish Atrocities in the Post-War Political Transition in Central and Eastern Europe. A Case that Caused Controversy: Kunmadaras 21 May 1946

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 116-136
Author(s):  
Tamás Lönhárt ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Bogdan Chrzanowski

The regaining of the country’s independence, and then its revival after the war damages, including itseconomic infrastructure – these were the tasks set by the Polish government in exile, first in Paris and thenin London. The maritime economy was to play an important role here. The Polish government was fullyaware of the enormous economic and strategic benefits resulting from the fact that it had a coast, withthe port of Gdynia before the war. It was assumed that both in Gdynia and in the ports that were to belongto Poland after the war: Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, Gdańsk, Elbląg, Królewiec, the economic structure was to betransformed, and they were to become the supply points for Central and Eastern Europe. Work on thereconstruction of the post-war maritime economy was mainly carried out by the Ministry of Industry, Tradeand Shipping. In London, in 1942–1943, a number of government projects were set up to rebuild the entiremaritime infrastructure. All projects undertaken in exile were related to activities carried out by individualunderground divisions of the Polish Underground State domestically, i.e. the “Alfa” Naval Department of theHome Army Headquarters, the Maritime Department of the Military Bureau of Industry and Trade of the Headof the Military Bureau of the Home Army Headquarters and the Maritime Department of the Departmentof Industry Trade and Trade Delegation of the Government of the Republic of Poland in Poland. The abovementionedorganizational units also prepared plans for the reconstruction of the maritime economy, and theprojects developed in London were sent to the country. They collaborated here and a platform for mutualunderstanding was found.


Author(s):  
C. M. G. Himsworth

This final chapter traces the European Charter of Local Self-Government’s trajectory over its thirty years. It was born in times of post-War European enthusiasm for co-operation between states; benefited greatly from its relevance to the post-1989 transformation of Central and Eastern Europe and to the process of admission to European Union membership; but now faces a more uncertain future (along with the Council of Europe) in the newer configuration of Europe and increasing stresses and strains between states.


2019 ◽  
pp. 223-230
Author(s):  
Ivan Matkovskyy

In the article the author Ivan Matkovsky analizes the publicistic work of Jozef Lobodowski who was the dedicated supporter of the Polish-Ukrainian Association. He tries to show Lobodowski’s reception of the Ukrainian nationalist movement in the 30th and the attempts of Ukrainians in this regard. Against the background of the internal problem of the Polish state, called the “Ukrainian question”, the author watches the opinions of the conscious patriotic Polish intellectuals who under the slogan of “historical objectivity” made attempts to prevent the tragedy in the relations between two neighboring states. Using post-war publications the author makes an attempt to show the evolution of the national liberation struggle evaluation which can be used by scientists for studying the Polish-Ukrainian relations these days. The author shows the evolution of Jozef Lobodowski who was shocked the horrors of the 1932-1933 Holodomor (Great Famine). The publicist breaks with his Communist past and Russophile sentiments. Lobodowski tries to present in interwar Poland the tragedy of the Ukrainian intellectuals who came under the Soviet government occupation. There are several key directions Lobodowski was working on: the popularization of contemporary Ukrainian culture, the finding of an unknown Ukrainian historical and an analysis of the Ukrainian political environment. Therefore, we observe the efforts of Jozef Lobodowski to estimate the reasons of the conflict with the Ukrainian nationalists representatives. He offers his own vision for future of the Polish-Ukrainian cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe. It is important the author’s attempt to show the development of Jozef Lobodowski’s activities in the period of his emigration. Those days both Ukrainians and Polish emigrants were trying to analyze the common Polish-Ukrainian past in Galicia and Volyn and create new platforms for dialogue. And one of those platforms are the creations and views of Jozef Lobodowski


1992 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 590
Author(s):  
E. J. Czerwinski ◽  
Daniel Weissbort

Author(s):  
Talbot C. Imlay

In examining European socialist responses to the issue of post-war European security, this chapter challenges the image of a continent irremediably divided along Cold War lines. Throughout the 1950s European socialists struggled to devise a stable and peaceful security order in a world of nuclear armaments and superpower rivalries. This struggle initially centred on the European Defence Community (EDC). For many socialists, the EDC offered a possible means not only of avoiding an independent German army but also perhaps of overcoming Cold War divisions. Following the EDC’s demise and West Germany’s integration into NATO, European socialists recentred their hopes on ‘disengagement’—the idea of creating a demilitarized and neutralized region in Central and Eastern Europe encompassing countries on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Indeed, during the late 1950s, European socialists emerged as the leading organized advocates of disengagement, working assiduously to keep the project in the public eye.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raimondas Ibenskas

AbstractWhile party splits are a relatively frequent phenomenon in many new and established democracies, the systematic empirical research on electoral competition after schisms is limited. The analysis of more than 200 splits across 25 European countries in the post-war period addresses this gap in the research. The study shows that the vote shares of rump and splinter parties in the first election after fission are related to their membership strength and the share of splinter legislators. This relationship is present in both Western Europe and Central and Eastern Europe. Additionally, economic growth affects the support of rump parties that hold government office while party system fragmentation and party funding regulations correlate with the electoral performance of splinter parties.


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