scholarly journals Das Pasquill im frühneuzeitlichen Deutschland. Ein Kommunikationsmedium zwischen Schmähung und Kritik

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Gerd Schwerhoff

Abstract The text deals with the genre ‘pasquill’ from the 16th to the 18th century in the German speaking world. Two strands of tradition can be ideally distinguished, which only gradually merge with each other. Originally, as in other regions of Europe, the Roman figure of the shoemaker Pasquino is adapted, who comments on actual politics or famous persons in mocking, more or less literary dialogues. This figure appears in printed works from the middle of the 16th century, mostly written by Protestants. At about the same time, the term ‘pasquill’ began to become synonymous with the mostly handwritten, anonymous libel, which is now increasingly criminalized by the authorities. The article characterises the early modern pasquill as a very special medium of communication, which served not only for personal defamation but also for objective criticism.

2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mihály Balázs

Although in recent years there has been an upsurge in the research of the history of early modern spirituality, this research has paid hardly any attention to the Unitarian denomination. The reasons for this lie beyond the scope of the present study: between the late 16th century and the late 18th century the denomination had to refrain from the use of printing, and thus, the manuscript versions of prayer texts were threatened by loss and destruction. It is a unique paradox, however, that the first edited protestant Hungarian prayer book of considerable length was published precisely by this denomination in 1570/1571. The first part of the paper explores the concept of the prayer book based on Johann Habermann’s famous Gebetbüchlein, and compares it to the greatest achievements of the same sort within this period, the Catholic Péter Pázmány’s and the Calvinist Albert Szenci Molnár’s works. This section is followed by a survey of the vivid reception of Heltai’s work, with particular focus on the way the Unitarian author’s work was used in the Lutheran community of Lőcse. The concluding part argues that building on the foundations of this tradition, as well as on the heritage of Calvinist prayer culture, an unparalleled Unitarian prayer literature developed in the 17th-18th centuries, which deserves the attention of comparative research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-222
Author(s):  
Pia Eckhart

Summary Contemporary History in Print Augsburg Chronicle Editions of the 16th Century. A Reflection on the (In–)‌Stability of Printed Chronicles In late medieval and early modern cities, readers and writers were certainly interested in history and in chronicling contemporary events. Even after the establishment of the printing press in German speaking areas large amounts of local and regional chronicles were written and copied by hand. In contrast, very few non-scholarly, vernacular chronicles were published in print. This fact is usually explained by pointing out the functional differentiation between the handwritten and the printed medium: Chroniclers could easily change, enhance or update texts while copying and compiling as long as they worked in the medium of handwriting. While this is certainly true, printed chronicles deserve more attention. This article explores the connections between the rich tradition of urban chronicles, ongoing practices of chronicling as well as the printed medium and the new sources of information connected with the printed medium in the first half of the 16th century. These complex relations are examined through a group of four printed German chronicles published in Augsburg and subsequently in other cities in more than twenty editions. The paper focuses particularly on the processes of revision and adaptation taking place in Philip Ulhart’s printing shop in Augsburg. Furthermore, the article offers methodological reflections on how to study and compare multiple editions of printed books adequately. The aim is to show why it is necessary to focus not only on their content but also on layout, paratexts and codicological proprieties in order to reveal the textual (un–)‌fixity of printed chronicles.


The Bible has been the central text of Judaism since its earliest history. Translations of the Bible into the vernaculars of the Jewish people in their various diasporas are a venerable tradition. The earliest Jewish translation of the Bible was into Greek, known as the Septuagint, and produced in the centuries preceding the rise of Christianity for the benefit of Greek-speaking Hellenistic Jews. The Bible was then translated during the Talmudic period in Aramaic, the lingua franca of Jews living in the eastern Roman Empire. There were several Aramaic translations, collectively called Targums (translation in Aramaic). The major ones were the Targums of Onkelos, Jonathan, Yerushalmi, and another Targum found in the 20th century known as Targum Neofiti. Unlike the Septuagint, the Targums did not constitute a complete translation, but only covered selected parts of the Bible. The Torah (Five Books of Moses) was the subject of several Targums, while the other parts of the Bible may have had one or more Targums or none at all. After the rise of Islam, the lingua franca of the Jews living under Islamic rule gradually changed from Aramaic to Judeo-Arabic, a version of Arabic with a significant component of Hebrew and Aramaic terminology. The translation of the Bible into Judeo-Arabic by Saadia Gaon (b. 882–d. 942), known as the Taj, became the de facto standard translation and achieved almost canonical status among Jews living in the orbit of Islam. It is believed that Saadiah completed the translation of the whole Bible, but some parts of the translation have been lost. The Jews of the Christian lands in Europe developed a variety of Jewish vernaculars like Judeo-Spanish, Judeo-Italian, and others. The vernacular developed by the Jews living in the German-speaking lands was referred to as “Teutsch,” meaning translation. In the 18th century it began to be called Jüdisch-Deutsch (Jewish-German) and eventually received its modern name, Yiddish. However, unlike the earlier Bible translations, there is no significant tradition in the lands where German/Yiddish was spoken of translating the Torah or other parts of the Bible into the Jewish vernacular prior to the Early Modern period. Hebrew remained the language of the Bible and its study. There is a meager tradition of Yiddish biblical manuscripts, with the majority of the few surviving manuscripts dating from no earlier than the 15th century. Many of the surviving manuscripts are copies of published works from the 16th and even the 17th century. There has been no significant scholarship on this manuscript tradition. For this reason, this study will restrict itself to the printed Yiddish works from the Early Modern period relating to the Bible.


Author(s):  
Kathryn A. Edwards

In the 15th- and early-16th-century German-speaking lands, reports circulated of spirits shaking the walls of houses, comets presaging imminent doom, and dwarves warning miners to leave their tunnels. Widely accepted, such accounts point to a worldview in which the natural was believed to encompass a far broader swath of beings and activities than modern definitions of the term. Humans were enmeshed in a world where forces beyond human experience and, at times understanding, were active; they accepted their place in it and manipulated it, if necessary. When studying such attitudes and the practices surrounding them, scholars of late medieval and early modern religious movements must move beyond truisms about “magical” or “enchanted” worlds to understand the impulses driving both reformers and those they wished to reform. Certainly 15th- and 16th-century Germans accepted that the divine permeated all creation, as creation was a product of God, and they saw divine manifestations throughout their world. Based on this truism, scholars have debated the extent to which pre-modern Europe was an enchanted world for approximately a century. Yet the powers imbuing that world had a more complex relationship to divinity than the somewhat romantic connotations of “enchanted” found in various modern works. Magicians, witches, devils, and other entities were all created beings who could access powers beyond the normal ken but were certainly not divine, despite any claims they might make to the contrary. Because such powers were imbued into nature itself, they were accessible to ordinary humans as well. And access them humans did! They were invoked to protect a village, cure ill children, and ward off injuries to livestock. They could also be used for evil, and archival and print documents attest to the practice of maleficent or demonic magic by learned clergy and illiterate peasants alike. When Protestant reformers demanded recognition of God’s omnipotence, they implicitly condemned this applied, occult magic and, in the process, practices that reflected a complete cosmology, that is, an understanding of how this world and the heavens operated. In this circumstance, it is not surprising that even the early reformers themselves could seem reluctant to abandon this immanent occultism.


Itinerario ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-55

Prof. Eberhard Schmitt (University of Bamberg, Germany) has initiated an ambitious project: the publication in German of a great number of documentary sources on early modern European Expansion. His proposal was made before an international scholarly committee in Bamberg on 6–8 Septermber, 1977, and received its full support. Concerning his project, Prof. Schmitt wrote the following article:Anyone who is even superficially informed about source publications concerning early modern history will quickly remark that publications are urgently needed about the history of the European Expansion. Especially in the German-speaking world is this need obvious. There are publications on various themes, as for instance the ‘Bauernkrieg’ or the Reformation, but very seldom do we find published sources on one of the most central developments of the history of the 15th–18th century, European expansion overseas and the reaction it caused on Europe itself.


Author(s):  
Sophie Chiari

Sophie Chiari opens the volume’s last section with an exploration of the technology of time in Shakespeare’s plays. For if the lower classes of the Elizabethan society derived their idea of time thanks to public sundials, or, even more frequently in rural areas, to the cycles and rhythms of Nature, the elite benefited from a direct, tactile contact with the new instruments of time. Owning a miniature watch, at the end of the 16th century, was still a privilege, but Shakespeare already records this new habit in his plays. Dwelling on the anxiety of his wealthy Protestant contemporaries, the playwright pays considerable attention to the materiality of the latest time-keeping devices of his era, sometimes introducing unexpected dimensions to the measuring of time. Chiari also explains that the pieces of clockwork that started to be sold in early modern England were often endowed with a highly positive value, as timekeeping was more and more equated with order, harmony and balance. Yet, the mechanization of time was also a means of reminding people that they were to going to die, and the contemplation of mechanical clocks was therefore strongly linked to the medieval trope of contemptus mundi.


Author(s):  
Carmen Marcks
Keyword(s):  

A portrait bust of an African placed among the antiquities in the Royal Museum at Stockholm once belonged to the Roman artist Giovanni Battista Piranesi. It was brought to Sweden at the end of the 18th century at the instance of King Gustav III. The head is a work of the middle or second half of the 16th century. It belongs to a specific, local, Roman form of Mannerist portraits, which have in common a remarkable affinity to antique imperial portrait busts. While the head is an eclectic work combining an idealized countenance—a contemporary peculiarity of portrait art—with antique usages of portrayal, the bust itself seems to be a work that stands directly in the tradition of cinquecentesque Venetian busts. Obviously head and bust were not originally created as an ensemble.


1990 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rudolf Dekker

SUMMARYFrom the 15th to the 18th century Holland, the most urbanized part of the northern Netherlands, had a tradition of labour action. In this article the informal workers' organizations which existed especially within the textile industry are described. In the 17th century the action forms adjusted themselves to the better coordinated activities of the authorities and employers. After about 1750 this protest tradition disappeared, along with the economic recession which especially struck the traditional industries. Because of this the continuity of the transition from the ancien régime to the modern era which may be discerned in the labour movements of countries like France and England, cannot be found in Holland.


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