scholarly journals «Peaceful Atom» – from the XXth to the XXI century: from the weapons of mass destruction to the driver of the massive progress

2012 ◽  
pp. 132-142
Author(s):  
M. V. Zharkikh
Keyword(s):  
Energy Supply ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Atomic Energy ◽  
The Other ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Competitive Advantages ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Energy Field ◽  
The World ◽  
Main Factors

The article is dedicated to the progress-analysis of the development of one of the most promising fields of economy and industry of Russia as well as many other states of the world – the atomic energy sector. Its evolution and competitive advantages before the other sources of energy supply are attended in brief. Special attention is devoted to international cooperation in the atomic energy field, incentivized at the beginning of the XXI century. Dynamics of this cooperation has shown that atomic energy can and, most probably, in the nearest future, will become one of the main factors of an advanced socioeconomic development of most of the states.

Use of New ICTs as “Liberation” or “Repression” Technologies in Social Movements

2013 ◽  
pp. 257-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandie L. Martin ◽  
Anthony A. Olorunnisola
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Mobile Phone ◽  
Third Parties ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Critical Questions ◽  
Combined Use ◽  
The World

Participants in varying but recent citizen-led social movements in Kenya, Iran, Tunisia, and Egypt have found new voices by employing new ICTs. In some cases, new ICTs were used to mobilize citizens to join and/or to encourage use of violence against other ethnicities. In nearly all cases, the combined use of new ICTs kept the world informed of developments as ensuing protests progressed. In most cases, the use of new ICTs as alternative media motivated international actors’ intervention in averting or resolving ensuing crises. Foregoing engagements have also induced state actions such as appropriation of Internet and mobile phone SMS for counter-protest message dissemination and/or termination of citizens’ access. Against the background of the sociology and politics of social movements and a focus on the protests in Kenya and Egypt, this chapter broaches critical questions about recent social movements and processes: to what extent have the uses of new ICTs served as alternative platforms for positive citizens’ communication? When is use of new ICTs convertible into “weapons of mass destruction”? When does state repression or take-over of ICTs constitute security measures, and when is such action censorship? In the process, the chapter appraises the roles of local and international third parties to the engagement while underscoring conceptual definitions whose usage in studies of this kind should be conscientiously employed. Authors offer suggestions for future investigations.

scholarly journals We are all Americans

2003 ◽  
Vol 02 (02) ◽  
pp. F02
Author(s):  
Giancarlo Sturloni ◽  
Paola Coppola
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
English Language ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
September 11Th ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
The World ◽  
American Society

"Weapons of mass destruction" is the word of the year 2002, at least according to the American Dialect Society, an association which has been studying the English language in North America for more than one century and which yearly chooses the word having more relevance to American society and information. The word of the year 2001 was "Nine eleven", and the passing of the baton was very significant. September 11th has actually marked an extraordinary media watershed in the debate on the dangerousness of weapons of mass destruction. The bioterrorist threat, for instance, seems to have gained ground in newspaper pages and in programme schedules - and therefore in people's houses - together with anthrax letters terrorising America. However, though this lethal powder has remained confined beyond the Atlantic, fear has rapidly spread throughout the world, including Italy. (Taken from the book "Armageddon Supermarket" - Sironi Editore)

Unconventional Weapons

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pesach Malovany ◽  
Amatzia Baram ◽  
Kevin M. Woods ◽  
Ronna Englesberg
Keyword(s):  
International Atomic Energy Agency ◽  
Atomic Energy ◽  
Foreign Assistance ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Biological Weapons ◽  
Chemical Weapons ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Energy Agency ◽  
Chemical And Biological Weapons ◽  
Nuclear Device

The chapter deals with the Iraqi efforts to develop and produce weapons of mass destruction—chemical, biological and nuclear. It describes the various projects in each field, their history, the foreign assistance they got, the infrastructure the Iraqis built for them, their achievements and types of weapons the Iraqis produces and their arsenals, especially of the Chemical and Biological weapons. The efforts of the U. N. supervisory commissions (UNSCOM) and the international Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to disarm Iraq from those weapons and capabilities to renew the development and production of them by Iraq after 1991. The use of chemical weapons by the Iraqis against the Kurds and the Iranian forces during the war between the two countries, and the possibility of using them against coalition forces during the wars in 1991 and 2003. The Iraqi efforts to achieve a nuclear device in a crash program before the war in 1991.

Use of New ICTs as “Liberation” or “Repression” Technologies in Social Movements

2015 ◽  
pp. 1505-1520
Author(s):  
Brandie L. Martin ◽  
Anthony A. Olorunnisola
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Mobile Phone ◽  
Third Parties ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Critical Questions ◽  
Combined Use ◽  
The World

Participants in varying but recent citizen-led social movements in Kenya, Iran, Tunisia, and Egypt have found new voices by employing new ICTs. In some cases, new ICTs were used to mobilize citizens to join and/or to encourage use of violence against other ethnicities. In nearly all cases, the combined use of new ICTs kept the world informed of developments as ensuing protests progressed. In most cases, the use of new ICTs as alternative media motivated international actors' intervention in averting or resolving ensuing crises. Foregoing engagements have also induced state actions such as appropriation of Internet and mobile phone SMS for counter-protest message dissemination and/or termination of citizens' access. Against the background of the sociology and politics of social movements and a focus on the protests in Kenya and Egypt, this chapter broaches critical questions about recent social movements and processes: to what extent have the uses of new ICTs served as alternative platforms for positive citizens' communication? When is use of new ICTs convertible into “weapons of mass destruction”? When does state repression or take-over of ICTs constitute security measures, and when is such action censorship? In the process, the chapter appraises the roles of local and international third parties to the engagement while underscoring conceptual definitions whose usage in studies of this kind should be conscientiously employed. Authors offer suggestions for future investigations.

19. Coercive Diplomacy:

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Viggo Jakobsen
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Full Scale ◽  
The Other ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Coercive Diplomacy ◽  
Military Involvement ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Strategic Context

This chapter examines how coercive diplomacy has emerged as a strategy for states in dealing with the opponent without resorting to full-scale war. Coercive diplomacy involves the use of military threats and/or limited force (sticks) coupled with inducements and assurances (carrots) in order to influence the opponent to do something it would prefer not to. This chapter first explains what coercive diplomacy is and considers its requirements for success. It then shows how states have employed coercive diplomacy to manage crises and conflicts during the three strategic eras that followed the end of the Cold War. It also discusses the importance of the strategic context in shaping the use of coercive diplomacy by presenting two case studies, one relating to the United States’s conflict with Libya due to the latter’s weapons of mass destruction, and the other relating to Russia’s military involvement in Ukraine.

Future Considerations for the Medical Management of Nerve-Agent Intoxication

2003 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 208-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pål Aas
Keyword(s):  
Chemical Warfare Agents ◽  
Nerve Agents ◽  
Nerve Agent ◽  
Chemical Warfare ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
The World ◽  
Warfare Agents

AbstractThe use of chemical warfare agents against civilians and unprotected troops in international conflicts or by terrorists against civilians is considered to be a real threat, particularly following the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 against the World Trade Center in New York and against the Pentagon in Washington, DC. Over the past 10 years, terrorists have been planning to use or have used chemical warfare agents on several occasions around the world, and the attacks in 2001 illustrate their willingness to use any means of warfare to cause death and destruction among civilians. In spite of new international treaties with strong verification measures and with an aim to prohibit and prevent the use of weapons of mass destruction, nevertheless, some countries and terrorist groups have been able to develop, produce, and use such weapons, particularly nerve agents, in domestic terrorist attacks or during warfare in international conflicts. This article reviews current medical therapy for nerve-agent intoxication and discusses possible future improvement of medical therapies.Present medical counter-measures against nerve agents are not sufficiently effective particularly in protecting the brain. Therefore, new and more effective countermeasures must be developed to enable better medical treatment of civilians and military personnel following exposure to nerve agents. Therefore, it is important with an enhanced effort by all countries, to improve and increase research in medical countermeasures, in the development of protective equipment, and in carrying out regular training of medical and emergency personnel as well as of military nuclear, biological, or chemical (NBC) units. Only then will nations be able to reduce the risk from and prevent the use of such weapons of mass destruction (WMD).

Untying the Gordian Knot: Evaluating the Legal Dimensions of the UN Weapons Inspection Programme in Iraq and Rethinking the Future

1999 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-322
Author(s):  
Rex J. Zedalis
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Chemical Weapons ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Global Security ◽  
World Community ◽  
Legal Problems ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future

A variety of legal problems exist with the UN weapons inspection régime applicable to Iraq. These problems hinder the assurance that Iraq can be disarmed of the ability to produce biological or chemical weapons. Given this fact, the stalemate produced by the mid-December 1998 air strikes against that country might be best resolved by a reconfigured inspection program which aims at addressing Iraqi weapons of mass destruction efforts in the context of global security policy regarding such weaponry, with due account taken of the desires of Iraq's neighbors and the importance of reintegrating that nation into the world community.

scholarly journals CHINA-PAKISTAN ECONOMIC CORRIDOR: A KEY TO REGIONAL CONNECTIVITY AND DEVELOPMENT

2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Rabia Shakir ◽  
Jaweria Nehal ◽  
Suwaibah Qadri
Keyword(s):  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
The Other ◽  
Infrastructure Development ◽  
Entire Region ◽  
East African ◽  
Economic Progress ◽  
Regional Coordination ◽  
The World ◽  
European Markets ◽  
New Phase

Pak-China nexus has always been exemplary and phenomenal. Year 2015 is marked as the biggest milestone between these two all-weather friends. China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the key to the door that leads to the biggest ever trade activity that will be started from China and will be expanded to the middle-east, African and even some vibrant European markets. It is the biggest deal signed between Pakistan and any other country that promises the huge economic commotion. This corridor is basically a part of new phase of globalization where the economic cooperation between countries and regions define the future of the respective economies. Due to its great economic and geo-strategic importance, CPEC has acquired global attention and analysts from all over the world are holding different opinions on this substantial economic corridor between China and Pakistan. This paper is a brief overview of the intra-regional connectivity that CPEC ensures and its impact on socioeconomic development of the entire region. This study evaluates the growth of energy sector, infrastructure development and advancements in connectivity in terms of transportation and communication as a result of this mega project. It also describes the inter-regional coordination within the country that will strengthen area-to-area bonding that is important for the uniform economic progress so far. Once the things start to move on smoothly and smartly, there is no ambiguity that this project will turn out as the socioeconomic revolution, mainly for Pakistan, then for China and obviously for the other countries of the region as well.

scholarly journals Hard, Soft, Smart? North Korea and Power: It’s All Relative

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152
Author(s):  
Virginie Grzelczyk
Keyword(s):  
Development Strategy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
High Profile ◽  
The World ◽  
State Actors

North Korea is notable for its isolation, yet the Korean Central News Agency’s daily editions are filled with articles outlining international admiration for Pyongyang and its leader. Is Pyongyang actively promoting soft power as an integral part of not only its survival, but its development strategy? While scholarship on North Korea tends to focus on Pyongyang’s “high profile” relations with China or Russia (Shambaugh 2003, McCormack 2004, Wu 2005) or with nations seeking to cooperate on weapons of mass destruction (Henriksen 2001), little attention has been paid to how the DPRK engages in seemingly peaceful ways with the world. This article examines the notion of hard, soft, smart and other power declensions, and applies a soft-power framework to investigate DPRK rhetoric and the development of partnerships with both states and non-state actors. It suggests that the DPRK has long pursued a strategy of diplomatic diversification, which includes a more sophisticated understanding of power than previously considered in the literature.

scholarly journals Weapons of Mass Persuasion

2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-116
Author(s):  
Ayesha Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Marketing Strategy ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Pull Out ◽  
Public Body ◽  
The World

The concept of a public body deluded into believing whatever its leadersassert as truth might seem to recall Marxist theories of media and society. But this is an element of the reality painted by Paul Rutherford in hisWeapons of Mass Persuasion: Marketing the War against Iraq, in which heexamines Washington’s promotion of the war and its effectiveness in winningpublic support despite misinformation.Public opinion has been key to maintaining support for the war and thetremendous amount of money that it continues to pull out of the Americaneconomy. Rutherford investigates the marketing strategy, illustrates itseffects, and explores the significance of the experiment. His analysis providesan insightful look into how Washington was able to convince theAmerican people of the false threat of “weapons of mass destruction” andraises important questions about what the Bush administration’s “persuasion”experiment means for American democracy.The author dedicates the first three chapters to analyzing how the“weapons of mass persuasion” were deployed. However, the heart of hisstudy lies in the effects of those “weapons” on individuals and society. Hisresearch is centered in Canada and draws from its government and press.This makes it difficult to discern who is the focus of his analysis – is itCanadians, Americans, the Middle East, or the world at large? ...

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