Use of New ICTs as “Liberation” or “Repression” Technologies in Social Movements

2015 ◽  
pp. 1505-1520
Author(s):  
Brandie L. Martin ◽  
Anthony A. Olorunnisola

Participants in varying but recent citizen-led social movements in Kenya, Iran, Tunisia, and Egypt have found new voices by employing new ICTs. In some cases, new ICTs were used to mobilize citizens to join and/or to encourage use of violence against other ethnicities. In nearly all cases, the combined use of new ICTs kept the world informed of developments as ensuing protests progressed. In most cases, the use of new ICTs as alternative media motivated international actors' intervention in averting or resolving ensuing crises. Foregoing engagements have also induced state actions such as appropriation of Internet and mobile phone SMS for counter-protest message dissemination and/or termination of citizens' access. Against the background of the sociology and politics of social movements and a focus on the protests in Kenya and Egypt, this chapter broaches critical questions about recent social movements and processes: to what extent have the uses of new ICTs served as alternative platforms for positive citizens' communication? When is use of new ICTs convertible into “weapons of mass destruction”? When does state repression or take-over of ICTs constitute security measures, and when is such action censorship? In the process, the chapter appraises the roles of local and international third parties to the engagement while underscoring conceptual definitions whose usage in studies of this kind should be conscientiously employed. Authors offer suggestions for future investigations.

Author(s):  
Brandie L. Martin ◽  
Anthony A. Olorunnisola

Participants in varying but recent citizen-led social movements in Kenya, Iran, Tunisia, and Egypt have found new voices by employing new ICTs. In some cases, new ICTs were used to mobilize citizens to join and/or to encourage use of violence against other ethnicities. In nearly all cases, the combined use of new ICTs kept the world informed of developments as ensuing protests progressed. In most cases, the use of new ICTs as alternative media motivated international actors’ intervention in averting or resolving ensuing crises. Foregoing engagements have also induced state actions such as appropriation of Internet and mobile phone SMS for counter-protest message dissemination and/or termination of citizens’ access. Against the background of the sociology and politics of social movements and a focus on the protests in Kenya and Egypt, this chapter broaches critical questions about recent social movements and processes: to what extent have the uses of new ICTs served as alternative platforms for positive citizens’ communication? When is use of new ICTs convertible into “weapons of mass destruction”? When does state repression or take-over of ICTs constitute security measures, and when is such action censorship? In the process, the chapter appraises the roles of local and international third parties to the engagement while underscoring conceptual definitions whose usage in studies of this kind should be conscientiously employed. Authors offer suggestions for future investigations.


Author(s):  
M. V. Zharkikh

The article is dedicated to the progress-analysis of the development of one of the most promising fields of economy and industry of Russia as well as many other states of the world – the atomic energy sector. Its evolution and competitive advantages before the other sources of energy supply are attended in brief. Special attention is devoted to international cooperation in the atomic energy field, incentivized at the beginning of the XXI century. Dynamics of this cooperation has shown that atomic energy can and, most probably, in the nearest future, will become one of the main factors of an advanced socioeconomic development of most of the states.


Author(s):  
Dana M. Williams

Implicit in the study of social movements is the fact that movements require many people collectively participating together in some fashion to succeed. Social capital—the valuable social connections individuals have with others—is one way of approximating people's relationships to each other. Movements both require social capital in order to form and succeed, but movements also create social capital while organizing. This chapter explores the ideas from major social capital theorists, including James Coleman, Pierre Bourdieu, and Robert Putnam, and considers the value of social capital (which is infrequently utilized in movement analysis) for anarchist movements. Important attributes of social capital, such as trust, information channels, norms, and others receive particular focus. A closer inspection suggests that the dense networks of anarchist association serve as a bulwark against state repression, but also alienates the movement from wider audiences, unless efforts are not made to popularize discursive frames and organizing methods. The World Values Survey is used to explore the extent to which anarchist-inclined people—who trust in others, but lack confidence in government—throughout the world are more apt to protest and advocate revolution.


2003 ◽  
Vol 02 (02) ◽  
pp. F02
Author(s):  
Giancarlo Sturloni ◽  
Paola Coppola

"Weapons of mass destruction" is the word of the year 2002, at least according to the American Dialect Society, an association which has been studying the English language in North America for more than one century and which yearly chooses the word having more relevance to American society and information. The word of the year 2001 was "Nine eleven", and the passing of the baton was very significant. September 11th has actually marked an extraordinary media watershed in the debate on the dangerousness of weapons of mass destruction. The bioterrorist threat, for instance, seems to have gained ground in newspaper pages and in programme schedules - and therefore in people's houses - together with anthrax letters terrorising America. However, though this lethal powder has remained confined beyond the Atlantic, fear has rapidly spread throughout the world, including Italy. (Taken from the book "Armageddon Supermarket" - Sironi Editore)


2003 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 208-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pål Aas

AbstractThe use of chemical warfare agents against civilians and unprotected troops in international conflicts or by terrorists against civilians is considered to be a real threat, particularly following the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 against the World Trade Center in New York and against the Pentagon in Washington, DC. Over the past 10 years, terrorists have been planning to use or have used chemical warfare agents on several occasions around the world, and the attacks in 2001 illustrate their willingness to use any means of warfare to cause death and destruction among civilians. In spite of new international treaties with strong verification measures and with an aim to prohibit and prevent the use of weapons of mass destruction, nevertheless, some countries and terrorist groups have been able to develop, produce, and use such weapons, particularly nerve agents, in domestic terrorist attacks or during warfare in international conflicts. This article reviews current medical therapy for nerve-agent intoxication and discusses possible future improvement of medical therapies.Present medical counter-measures against nerve agents are not sufficiently effective particularly in protecting the brain. Therefore, new and more effective countermeasures must be developed to enable better medical treatment of civilians and military personnel following exposure to nerve agents. Therefore, it is important with an enhanced effort by all countries, to improve and increase research in medical countermeasures, in the development of protective equipment, and in carrying out regular training of medical and emergency personnel as well as of military nuclear, biological, or chemical (NBC) units. Only then will nations be able to reduce the risk from and prevent the use of such weapons of mass destruction (WMD).


1999 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-322
Author(s):  
Rex J. Zedalis

A variety of legal problems exist with the UN weapons inspection régime applicable to Iraq. These problems hinder the assurance that Iraq can be disarmed of the ability to produce biological or chemical weapons. Given this fact, the stalemate produced by the mid-December 1998 air strikes against that country might be best resolved by a reconfigured inspection program which aims at addressing Iraqi weapons of mass destruction efforts in the context of global security policy regarding such weaponry, with due account taken of the desires of Iraq's neighbors and the importance of reintegrating that nation into the world community.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152
Author(s):  
Virginie Grzelczyk

North Korea is notable for its isolation, yet the Korean Central News Agency’s daily editions are filled with articles outlining international admiration for Pyongyang and its leader. Is Pyongyang actively promoting soft power as an integral part of not only its survival, but its development strategy? While scholarship on North Korea tends to focus on Pyongyang’s “high profile” relations with China or Russia (Shambaugh 2003, McCormack 2004, Wu 2005) or with nations seeking to cooperate on weapons of mass destruction (Henriksen 2001), little attention has been paid to how the DPRK engages in seemingly peaceful ways with the world. This article examines the notion of hard, soft, smart and other power declensions, and applies a soft-power framework to investigate DPRK rhetoric and the development of partnerships with both states and non-state actors. It suggests that the DPRK has long pursued a strategy of diplomatic diversification, which includes a more sophisticated understanding of power than previously considered in the literature.


2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-116
Author(s):  
Ayesha Ahmad

The concept of a public body deluded into believing whatever its leadersassert as truth might seem to recall Marxist theories of media and society. But this is an element of the reality painted by Paul Rutherford in hisWeapons of Mass Persuasion: Marketing the War against Iraq, in which heexamines Washington’s promotion of the war and its effectiveness in winningpublic support despite misinformation.Public opinion has been key to maintaining support for the war and thetremendous amount of money that it continues to pull out of the Americaneconomy. Rutherford investigates the marketing strategy, illustrates itseffects, and explores the significance of the experiment. His analysis providesan insightful look into how Washington was able to convince theAmerican people of the false threat of “weapons of mass destruction” andraises important questions about what the Bush administration’s “persuasion”experiment means for American democracy.The author dedicates the first three chapters to analyzing how the“weapons of mass persuasion” were deployed. However, the heart of hisstudy lies in the effects of those “weapons” on individuals and society. Hisresearch is centered in Canada and draws from its government and press.This makes it difficult to discern who is the focus of his analysis – is itCanadians, Americans, the Middle East, or the world at large? ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Melly Masni

The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) is highly appreciated for its ability to stop further nuclear proliferation in the world.  Since its existence, this treaty has been said to be successful in preventing potential states from possessing weapons of mass destruction. At least, there are more than 40 states who have the capability to develop their own nuclear programmes, although such programmes are restrained from coming to fruition.  However, this successful story has not taken place in the area of nuclear disarmament. None of its nuclear weapon-owning members seem to proceed with realising a full disarmament aim. This raises the question of why the NPT is unable to achieve success in the field of nuclear disarmament as it has in the field of nuclear non-proliferation. The NPT does not only contain the idea of nuclear non-proliferation, but also the idea of nuclear disarmament. In understanding this question, using a political psychology approach, this study finds that nuclear-weapon states face the so-called moral dilemma between the desire to achieve national interests and the desire to fulfil social demands required by the international norm. By taking advantage of the shortcomings in the NPT narrative as well as relevant world situations, these states attempt to be exempted from dismantling nuclear weapons under their possession.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 51-54
Author(s):  
Dr.Kamaljit Singh

In 19th and 20th century many scientific and technological developments have occurred in many fields. The positive developments have proved very beneficial for humankind. But the advent of science and technology in the field of armaments have resulted in the invention of weapons of mass destruction. The nuclear weapons, the chemical weapons, the biological weapons, the missiles and conventional weapons development and improvement have created many problems of destructive nature. The new emerging technologies have made the situation worst for mankind. The United Nations General Assembly has made many attempts to protect the world and convert the destructive measures to peaceful measures so that humanity can benefit from it. The need of the time is to develop new scientific and technological devices to destroy the existing weapons of mass destruction and save the mankind, and these technologies should be developed for peaceful purposes.


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