scholarly journals THE DYNAMIC OF CACI MULTIFUNCTION IN MANGGARAI ETHNIC NOWADAYS

Author(s):  
Karolus Budiman Jama ◽  
I Wayan Ardika ◽  
I Ketut Ardhana ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan

Manggaraian ethnic has a special art named Caci. The art holds and became an identity of the whole of Manggaraian. The art was begun as the ritual of farmer’s land fertility. In its developing, the aesthetic has gone under the multifunction in it show time. The art is not only performing for the shake of the local people culture, but also perform for the political interest as well as the catholic church in Mangggarai.  This research used ethnographic method, data collected through the observation, interview, documentation, and triangulation. The research was done in Manggaraian ethnic of Flores. Every Caci performance has its own unique ideology. The ideology goes behind the cultural Caci performance is the ideology of fertility. The ideology goes behind the government interest of Caci performance is capitalism economy and political power.  The church ideology is inclusivism through the inculturation languages. Keywords: dynamic, multifunction, caci, ideology, culture identity

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 147-175
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Łęcicki

The range and power of how media is transferred – since the time when printing machines were invented in the fifteenth century – has been quite a challenge for specific environments, institutions, ideas and be­liefs; for both, the clerical and secular authorities wanted to influence the distribution of content. The actions of the Catholic Church, in this respect, were to exclude the promotion of heretical ideas, whereas the political power cared about shaping the attitudes of obedience and loyalty (Pokorna-Igna­towicz, 2002). Attempts made to restrict the freedom of the printed word had failed because not all of the authors, publishers and printers conformed to the Church and its rulers; instead, they spread opinions in accordance with their convictions. Reformation can be considered as the first ideological revolution, the success of which was closely related with media coverage (in this case – with the use of print) (Łęcicki, 2013).


2013 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 605-623 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Vatter

AbstractMachiavelli often seems to advocate a conception of religion as an instrument of political rule. But in the concluding chapter ofThe PrinceMachiavelli adopts a messianic rhetoric in which politics becomes an instrument of divine providence. Since the political project at stake inThe Prince, especially in this last chapter runs against both the interests and the ideology of the Catholic Church in Italy, some commentators have argued that Machiavelli appeals to providence merely in order to fool the Church and the Medici. This article argues that it is not necessary to appeal to such exoteric readings of the 26thchapter ofThe Princeif one envisages the possibility that Machiavelli may have drawn upon an alternative, non-Christian conception of divine providence coming from medieval Arabic and Jewish sources that is more compatible with his desire to return to Roman republican principles than is the Christian conception of divine providence.


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Hunt

This paper has argued that over some four decades the Catholic charismatics have been pulled in different directions regarding their political views and allegiances and that this is a result of contrasting dynamics and competing loyalties which renders conclusions as to their political orientations difficult to reach. To some degree such dynamics and competing loyalties result from the relationship of the charismatics in the Roman Church and the juxtaposition of the Church within USA politico-religious culture. In the early days of the Charismatic Renewal movement in the Roman Catholic Church the ‘spirit-filled’ Catholics appeared to show an indifference to secular political issues. Concern with spiritually renewing the Church, ecumenism and deep involvement with a variety of ecstatic Christianity drove this apolitical stance. If anything, as the academic works showed, the Catholic charismatics seemed in some respects more liberal than their non-charismatic counterparts in the Church. To some extent this reflected their middle-class and more educated demographic features. More broadly they adopted mainstream cultural changes while remaining largely politically inactive. As they grew closer to their Protestant brethren in the Renewal movement Catholic neo-Pentecostals tended to express more conservative views that were then part of the embryonic New Christian Right - the broad Charismatic movement becoming more overtly politicised in the 1980s. Somewhat later the Catholics were being pulled towards the traditional core Catholicism at a time the Renewal movement found itself well beyond its peak and influence in the mainstream denominations including the Roman Church. The Catholic charismatics were ‘returning to the fold’. During this period too the New Christian Right increased its attempt to marshal a broad coalition of conservative minded Protestants and Catholics. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s this proved to be largely ineffectual. The 2004 American Presidential election saw the initiation of the second office of George Bush. It seems clear that without the support of the New Christian Right - fundamentalist, Evangelicals, Pentecostals, charismatics - the victory would not have been secured. Based on research in South Carolina, however, suggests that the CR continues to be inwardly split and quarrels with other wings of the Republican Stephen J. Hunt: BETWIXT AND BETWEEN: THE POLITICAL ORIENTATIONS OF ROMAN CATHOLIC NEO-PENTECOSTALS • (pp. 27-51) THE CONTEMPORARY ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND POLITICS 49 Party, particularly business interests are evident.59 It is also apparent that into the twenty-first century there has proved to be an uneasy alliance in the New Christian Right, threatening to split along lines already observable in the 1970s and 1980s. For one thing the some of the political and social, if not moral teachings of the Catholic Church are at variant with such organizations as the Christian Coalition. The re-invention of the New Christian Right has not fully incorporated conservative Catholics nor Catholic charismatics. A further dynamic is that lay Catholics, charismatics or otherwise, have increasingly adopted a ‘pick and choose’ Catholicism in which there is a tendency to exercise personal views over a range of political issues irrespective of the formal teachings of the Church. To conclude, we might take a broader sweep in our understanding of the role of Catholicism in USA politics, in which the Catholic charismatics are merely one constituency. Recent scholarly work has pointed to the often under-estimated political influence of Roman Catholics in the USA. Genovese et al.60 show how today, as well as historically, Catholics and the Catholic Church has played a remarkably complex and diverse role in US politics. Dismissing notions of a cohesive ‘Catholic vote,’ Genovese et al. show how Catholics, Catholic institutions, and Catholic ideas permeate nearly every facet of contemporary American politics. Swelling with the influx of Latino, Asian, and African immigrants, and with former waves of European ethnics now fully assimilated in education and wealth, Catholics have never enjoyed such an influence in American political life. However, this Catholic political identity and engagement defy categorization, being evident in both left-wing and right-wing causes. It is fragmented and complex identity, a complexity to which the charismatics within the ranks of the Catholic Church continue to contribute.


2021 ◽  
pp. 436-457
Author(s):  
Petr Kratochvíl

This chapter explores the complex relationship between the Catholic Church and Europe over many centuries. It argues that the Catholic Church and Europe played a mutually constitutive role in the early Middle Ages and one would not be conceivable without the other. However, the Church gradually disassociated itself from Europe and vice versa. Since the Reformation, but even more strongly in the last two centuries, the Church’s attitude to Europe has become markedly more ambivalent, due to the rise of the European state, the hostile attitude of the Church to modern European social and political thought, Europe’s ongoing secularization, and the increasingly global nature of the Catholic Church. While the tension between the Church and Europe persists, the process of European unification marked a watershed in the Church’s relationship to Europe, given that integration is a key area in which the Church strongly supports the political developments of the continent.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Golachowska

Catholics in Belarus: the Deconstruction of Polish Identity?The article discusses the transformations in the national identification of members of the younger generation of Catholics in Belarus through the context of the language changes resulting from the use of Belarussian in the Catholic Church and the increasing prestige attached to this language. The political transformations at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, which led to modifications in the situation of the Church in Belarus, have influenced these processes. Simultaneously, the model of religiosity has undergone reconstruction so that it has gradually ceased to be linked with issues of national identification. Religious practices are becoming a more personal matter and are less dependent on social pressure. Similarly, the choice of one’s nationality in a diverse society have become an individual matter. Katolicy na Białorusi. Czy dekonstrukcja polskiej tożsamości?Tematem artykułu są przemiany identyfikacji narodowej młodego pokolenia katolików na Białorusi w kontekście zmian językowych związanych z używaniem w Kościele katolickim języka białoruskiego oraz wzrostem prestiżu tego języka. Do tych procesów przyczyniły się przeobrażenia polityczne przełomu lat osiemdziesiątych i początku dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku, które przyniosły zmianę w sytuacji Kościoła na Białorusi. Równolegle miała miejsce przebudowa modelu religijności, który powoli odchodzi od zagadnień identyfikacji narodowej. Praktyki religijne i stają się sprawą osobistą, i mniej zależą od presji społecznej. Również wybory narodowościowe w zróżnicowanym społeczeństwie są sprawą indywidualną.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-225
Author(s):  
Andrzej Friszke

This study of the struggle between the government of the Polish People’s Republic and Solidarity in the years 1981-1984 discerns three key actors in Polish politics: the Communist party leadership and security apparatus, the arrested leaders of Solidarity, and the bishops and advisers of the Catholic Church. The PRL government made strategic decisions in this period regarding repression and liberalization. Following initial advanced preparation for the trial of eleven arrested leaders of Solidarity and KSS KOR, the government attempted to coerce the arrestees into leaving Poland, thus weakening the movement’s legitimacy. The article demonstrates how the interaction between the leaders of the two sides – mediated by bishops and advisers – produced a new dynamic and a shift in the existing political mechanism. What was once a mass movement transformed into a more regular, staffed organization with a greater role played by leaders, who symbolized the continuity of the movement and enabled Solidarity to weather the period of repression. The article shows the changes and tensions in the Solidarity movement, along with the changes that were occurring in parallel on the side of the government and the mediating third actor, i.e., the Catholic Church. This case study of the strategic clash that occurred at the beginning of the 1980s illustrates the transformations that took place within the government and Solidarity – transformations that would prove crucial to the transition process in 1988-1989.


1975 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-144
Author(s):  
Mathias C. Kiemen

Historians studying the Church in Latin American have recently been receiving excellent assistance from political scientists and sociologists such as Ivan Vallier and François Houtart, and now the present author, Thomas C. Bruneau. There certainly is a place for sociology in the study of the Catholic Church. Bruneau’s theses concerning Church development in Brazil are, therefore, vitally interesting to professional historians of this country.


2009 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Blancarte

In a contribution made some time ago, I stressed the diversity of factors which came together in the anticlerical constitutional articles and paragraphs that were approved during the Constituent Congress at Querétaro of 1916-17. The first of these factors—I argued—was the not unreasonable belief held by many Mexican revolutionaries that the Catholic Church had collaborated with the government of the military usurper, Victoriano Huerta, in 1913-14. In this regard, the political participation of the National Catholic Party had also been decisive in influencing anticlerical opinion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 250-277
Author(s):  
Mirosław Bogdan

The article defines the role of the altar and tabernacle in the contemporary architectural sacred interior treated as domus ecclesiae, designed to fulfill liturgical functions in accordance with the post-conciliar renewal of Vatican II. The article takes into account the problem of celebrating Holy Mass. by the celebrant with his back to the tabernacle located centrally behind the post-conciliar altar. With reference to the irreversibility of the liturgical renewal, apart from the ordinary form of the Roman rite, the existence of the extraordinary (Tridentine) form of this rite, also accepted by Vatican II, is taken into account.  By presenting the presence of the post-conciliar altar brought closer to the zone of the faithful, the meaning of the Code of Canon Law is defined. The article, defining the irreversibility of the liturgical renewal, presents the location of the tabernacle separated from the altar, built architecturally in the nave or chapel of the church. At the same time, the aesthetic beauty of the liturgical interior furnishings is determined, when all this exists in accordance with the post-conciliar ordinances and serves to build a community of faith.


1938 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 275-290
Author(s):  
Reinhold A. Dorwart

For obvious reasons, a study of the organization of the Church in Brandenburg-Prussia must begin with the formal acceptance of the Reformation in those territories. The Reformation was not accepted officially in Brandenburg until after the death of Joachim I in 1535. His son and heir, Margrave and Elector Joachim II joined the Protestant ranks in 1539. Prior to this time the Church in Brandenburg had been an integral part of the Catholic Church of Rome; and local church organization and the supervision thereof had been in the hands of the episcopal consistory. This latter body attended to all the business of reviewing and supervising the administration of its diocese, of issuing the reports of the bishop or administrator, of appointment of apostolic visitors, and of the government, temporal administration, and discipline of seminaries.


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