scholarly journals Attributes of the Silesians’ political subjectivity in the context of a debate on the 2021 National Population and Housing Census and attempts to establish the Silesian language as a regional language

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 157-172
Author(s):  
Magdalena Ozimek-Hanslik
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Subjectivity ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
National Population ◽  
Regional Language ◽  
Sense Of Identity ◽  
Theory Interpretation

The objective of this paper is to present the attributes of political subjectivity of the Silesians in the context of the debate on the 2021 National Population and Housing Census, as well as the accompanying debate on the attempt to amend the Act of 6 January 2005 on national and ethnic minorities and regional language, which provides for the inclusion of the Silesian language as a regional language in the provisions of the Act. The thesis presented in this text assumes that the agitation and commitment related to the census not only make it possible to analyse the sense of identity and/or distinctiveness of the Silesians and to develop, for instance, reflection on the issue of recognition, but also open up a space for research on the political subjectivity of those who identify with Silesianness. I intend to use a political theory interpretation that does not focus on political competition or participation in the governing process, but takes into account political activities of individuals and groups also outside the strictly state sphere in the field where various social and political aspirations and interests interact.

Patronage at Work

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Oliveros
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Employees ◽  
Systematic Analysis ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The World ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
Depth Interviews

In countries around the world, politicians distribute patronage jobs to supporters in exchange for a wide range of political services – such as helping with campaigns and electoral mobilization. Patronage employees (clients) engage in these political activities that support politicians (patrons) because their fates are tied to the political fate of their patrons. Although conventional wisdom holds that control of patronage significantly increases an incumbent's chance of staying in power, we actually know very little about how patronage works. Drawing on in-depth interviews, survey data, and survey experiments in Argentina, Virginia Oliveros details the specific mechanisms that explain the effect of patronage on political competition. This fascinating study is the first to provide a systematic analysis of the political activities of mid and low-level public employees in Latin America. It provides a novel explanation of the enforcement of patronage contracts that has wider implications for understanding the functioning of clientelist exchanges.

scholarly journals Uczestnictwo mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w polskim życiu politycznym po 1989 roku

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 73-85
Author(s):  
Marek Mazurkiewicz
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
National Level ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Local Dimension ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Minority Participation ◽  
History Of ◽  
German Minority

Participation of national and ethnic minorities in Polish political life after 1989The participation of national and ethnic minorities in Polish political life after 1989 is one of the achievements of democratic Poland. Tracing the history of minority participation in local and parliamentary elections after 1990 makes it clear that this history is dominated by the German minority. However, this does not mean that other minorities did not participate in political competition at the local, regional or national level, but rather that their participation was clearly more modest compared to the German minority. Participation in the political life of other minorities has mainly a local dimension, although these communities do not choose to participate in their own ethnic election committees. Perhaps their identity does not require confirmation in their political activities and preferences.

The Social Origins and Provenance of the English Bishops during the Reign of Edward II

1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Social Background ◽  
Early Career ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
The Social ◽  
Complete Study ◽  
History Of

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.

Serge Lifar and the Question of Collaboration with the German Authorities under the Occupation of Paris (1940–1949)

2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-257
Author(s):  
Mark Franko
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Paris Opera ◽  
Dance Companies

This article examines the political and artistic activities of dancer and choreographer Serge Lifar at the Paris Opéra during and immediately after the occupation of Paris. Although Lifar was cleared of charges of collaborationism with the German authorities after the war, the question of collaborationism has arisen again in light of the rehabilitation of his aesthetic by the Paris Opéra and other dance companies. Using archival materials usually ignored by dance scholars, this article examines Lifar's political activities, his political convictions, and his political ambitions. His theory of ballet as set forth in La Danse: les grands courants de la danse académique (1938) and two of his successful ballets of this period – Joan de Zarissa (1942) and Suite en blanc (1943) – are discussed in light of his politics.

On the Will of the People: Notes on the Political “Theory” of Populism

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
National People ◽  
The Will

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.

JULIJONA – LIETUVOS DIDŽIOJO KUNIGAIKŠČIO ALGIRDO ŽMONA IR JO VAIKŲ MOTINA

2019 ◽  
Vol 2019/2 ◽  
pp. 5-39
Author(s):  
Darius Baronas
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Method ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Source Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Nature Of Information ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania

ANNOTATION. This article is the first attempt of the biographic research of Grand Duchess Uliana Algirdienė of Lithuania (d. 17/03/1392), based on the critical analysis of primary sources. It is also aimed at pointing out the reflection of the role of women in the pagan Lithuanian society. The research was carried out by means of the analytical and comparative method of historical source analysis with a view to separate as distinctly as possible the information derived from contemporary sources from the images imposed by later historiographic tradition. The article questions the stereotypes related to Uliana’s great political power in Lithuania’s political life that are well-established in modern historiography and present-day cultural memory. With this an attempt is made to draw attention to the problematic nature of information derived from historical sources as well as to more distinctly define the frames imposed by the political culture of pagan Lithuania which clearly marked the boundaries for the political activities of women representing the ruling dynasty. This article for the most part dwells on the issues related to the coverage of Algirdas and Uliana’s marriage and the period of their married life up to Algirdas’ death in 1377. KEYWORDS: Uliana, Algirdas, Simeon, Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Moscow, Tver, Rus’, women

DEMOCRACY AT THE SERVICE OF FOREIGN POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. FREDDIE
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Foreign Policy Change ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Apartheid Regime

The article examines the place and role of democracy and human rights in South Africas foreign policy. The author analyzes the process of South Africas foreign policy change after the fall of the apartheid regime and transition to democracy. He gives characteristics of the foreign policy under different presidents of South Africa from 1994 to 2018 and analyzes the political activities of South Africa in the area of peacekeeping and human rights on the African continent.

Aristotle on the Concept of Shared Life

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Brill
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Character

Aristotle on the Concept of Shared Life studies Aristotle’s understanding of the political character of human intimacy via an examination of the zoological frame informing his political theory. It argues that the concept of shared life, i.e. the forms of intimacy that arise from the possession of logos and the capacity for choice, is central to human political partnership, and serves to locate that life within the broader context of living beings as such, where it emerges as an intensification of animal sociality. As such it challenges a long-standing approach to the role of the animal in Aristotle’s thought, and to the recent reception of Aristotle’s thinking about the political valence of life and living beings.

The Combination of Gender and Ethnic Quotas in Electoral Politics

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melanie M. Hughes
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Minority Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Ethnic Minority Women ◽  
Multicultural Feminism ◽  
Ethnic Quotas ◽  
And Gender ◽  
National Legislatures

Around the world, countries are increasingly using quotas to enhance the diversity of political representatives. This chapter considers the histories and policy designs of ethnic and gender quotas that regulate national legislatures. Most countries with quotas target only one type of under-represented group—for example, women or ethnic minorities. Even in countries with both gender and ethnic quotas (called ‘tandem quotas’), the policies typically evolved separately and work differently. Women and ethnic minorities are treated as distinct groups, ignoring the political position of ethnic minority women. However, a handful of countries have ‘nested quotas’ that specifically regulate the political inclusion of ethnic minority women. The second half the chapter focuses explicitly on nested quotas. It lays out how nested quotas work, where and how they have been adopted, and the prospect for their spread to new countries in the future. The chapter concludes with reflections on the promises and pitfalls of nested quotas as a vehicle for multicultural feminism.

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