scholarly journals Vote for justice: Should New Zealand Consider Binding Citizen-Initiated Referenda on Law and Order Policy?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lidewij Oosterhoff
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Theories

<p>This paper examines the origins, benefits and pitfalls of the Citizen Initiated Referenda Act 1993, focusing on the non-binding justice-based referendum question put to the public in 1999. Citizen Initiated Referenda find their roots within the ideas of public participation in government, or direct democracy. This paper examines the philosophical and political theories – both in favour and against direct democracy – in order to canvas opinions relating to political participation. This is used as a basis to assess whether New Zealand should consider holding binding referenda on criminal justice related issues.</p>

scholarly journals Vote for justice: Should New Zealand Consider Binding Citizen-Initiated Referenda on Law and Order Policy?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lidewij Oosterhoff
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Theories

<p>This paper examines the origins, benefits and pitfalls of the Citizen Initiated Referenda Act 1993, focusing on the non-binding justice-based referendum question put to the public in 1999. Citizen Initiated Referenda find their roots within the ideas of public participation in government, or direct democracy. This paper examines the philosophical and political theories – both in favour and against direct democracy – in order to canvas opinions relating to political participation. This is used as a basis to assess whether New Zealand should consider holding binding referenda on criminal justice related issues.</p>

On Hearing the Daughters’ Call

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-155
Author(s):  
Elva Orozco Mendoza ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Human Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Performance ◽  
The Public ◽  
Northern Mexico ◽  
Political Theories ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Maternal Activism ◽  
The Human Condition

This article offers an interpretation of anti-feminicide maternal activism as political in northern Mexico by analyzing it alongside Hannah Arendt’s concepts of freedom, natality, and the child in The Human Condition. While feminist theorists often debate whether maternalism strengthens or undermines women’s political participation, the author offers an unconventional interpretation of Arendt’s categories to illustrate that the meaning and practice of maternalism radically changes through the public performance of motherhood. While Arendt does not seem the best candidate to navigate this debate, her concepts of freedom and the child provide a productive perspective to rethink the relationship between maternalism and citizenship. In making this claim, this article challenges feminist political theories that depict motherhood as the chief source of women’s subordination. In the case of northern Mexico, anti-feminicide maternal activism illustrates how the political is also a personal endeavor, thereby complementing the famous feminist motto.

scholarly journals Using forms of direct democracy to ensure public participation in the municipal budget process

2020 ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Natalya Vasilyeva ◽  
Yuliya Pyatkovskaya
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
State Policy ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Budget Process ◽  
Video Conference ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Hearings ◽  
Local Budget ◽  
Municipal Level

The article notes that the requirement of openness (transparency) of budget relations is one of the priority directions of state policy and the criterion of the international rating. Russia has the lowest rating on the index of public participation in the budget process. In this regard, the budget relations at the municipal level are in a better position, since public hearings are required for drafts of the local budget and the report on its implementation. The authors evaluate this form of direct democracy in order to ensure public participation in the budget process, conclude that it is minimally sufficient, and suggest that public hearings should work to bring the «budget for citizens» to the public. The article also discusses other forms of direct democracy. It is concluded that there is a legislative ban on the use of forms of mandatory democracy in the budget process, as well as on the legality and expediency of such regulation. It is recommended to use a survey of citizens as a form of consultative democracy. It is proposed to consider the possibility of using public discussions and holding public hearings in the format of a video conference in budget relations.

scholarly journals The Power of Penal Populism: Public Influences on Penal and Sentencing Policy from 1999 to 2008

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Tess Bartlett
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Expert Knowledge ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Penal Policy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sentencing Policy ◽  
To Come

<p>This thesis explains the rise and power of penal populism in contemporary New Zealand society. It argues that the rise of penal populism can be attributed to social, economic and political changes that have taken place in New Zealand since the postwar years. These changes undermined the prevailing penalwelfare logic that had dominated policymaking in this area since 1945. It examines the way in which 'the public' became more involved in the administration of penal policy from 1999 to 2008. The credibility given to a law and order referendum in 1999, which drew attention to crime victims and 'tough on crime' discourse, exemplified their new role. In its aftermath, greater influence was given to the public and groups speaking on its behalf. The referendum also influenced political discourse in New Zealand, with politicians increasingly using 'tough on crime' policies in election campaigns as it was believed that this was what 'the public' wanted when it came to criminal justice issues. As part of these developments, the thesis examines the rise of the Sensible Sentencing Trust, a unique law and order pressure group that advocates for victims' rights and the harsh treatment of offenders. The Trust became an increasingly authoritative voice in both the public and political arena, as public sentiments came to overrule expert knowledge in the administration of penal policy. Ultimately, it argues that the power of penal populism is so strong in New Zealand that attempts to resist it are likely to come to little, unless these forces that brought it to prominence can be addressed and negated. To date, this has not happened.</p>

Subjects into Citizens

2020 ◽  
pp. 77-84
Author(s):  
Yael Tamir
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Schools ◽  
Public Education ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
National Education ◽  
The Public

This chapter emphasizes the most effective and constructive tool of nation building: the public school. The chapter narrates public schools' formative moments, and how the states, comprised mainly of immigrants, embarked on an educational journey intended to transform inhabitants into fellow national. In the newly emerging United States of America, public education was taken to be the surest form of protection against tyranny, anarchy, factionalism, and the disruption of law and order. The chapter shows national education as a way of preserving the nation's freedom, encouraging political participation, and fostering a sense of brotherhood. Ultimately, the chapter investigates how national education turned subjects into citizens, allowing for the development of a set of linguistic and symbolic skills that facilitate communication between fellow nationals, evoking a willingness to work for the benefit of a common good.

Public attitude towards conservation in New Zealand and awareness of threatened species.

2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark N. H. Seabrook-Davidson ◽  
Dianne H. Brunton
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Threatened Species ◽  
Government Spending ◽  
Native Species ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Industry Research ◽  
Sphenodon Punctatus ◽  
Advocacy Role

A survey was conducted amongst a sample (n = 3 000) of the New Zealand public to gauge their perception of government spending on conservation. The survey also obtained an understanding of the level of awareness the public has of New Zealand threatened species. Respondents ranked eight areas of government spending, namely health, education, superannuation, law and order, defence, conservation of native species, primary industry research & development and tourism. From a response rate of n = 131 (4.5%), health and education were ranked the highest, followed by law and order with conservation in fourth position. Except for conservation of native species, these rankings by respondents closely aligned with priorities of average annual government spending. Awareness was the highest for endemic species such as kiwi Apteryx spp, Hector’s dolphin Cephalorhynchus hectori, kokako Callaeas cinerea cinerea, kakapo Strigops habroptilus, takahe Porphyrio mantelli, Maui’s dolphin Cephalorhynchus hectori maui and tuatara Sphenodon punctatus. The awareness for these prominent species may suggest that the Department of Conservation is achieving some success in its advocacy role to increase the public’s awareness of species threatened with extinction. With awareness of threatened species and the moderate ranking given to conservation expenditure, it is evident there is a level of public support for expenditure on protection of biodiversity and natural heritage.

scholarly journals The Power of Penal Populism: Public Influences on Penal and Sentencing Policy from 1999 to 2008

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Tess Bartlett
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Expert Knowledge ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Penal Policy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sentencing Policy ◽  
To Come

<p>This thesis explains the rise and power of penal populism in contemporary New Zealand society. It argues that the rise of penal populism can be attributed to social, economic and political changes that have taken place in New Zealand since the postwar years. These changes undermined the prevailing penalwelfare logic that had dominated policymaking in this area since 1945. It examines the way in which 'the public' became more involved in the administration of penal policy from 1999 to 2008. The credibility given to a law and order referendum in 1999, which drew attention to crime victims and 'tough on crime' discourse, exemplified their new role. In its aftermath, greater influence was given to the public and groups speaking on its behalf. The referendum also influenced political discourse in New Zealand, with politicians increasingly using 'tough on crime' policies in election campaigns as it was believed that this was what 'the public' wanted when it came to criminal justice issues. As part of these developments, the thesis examines the rise of the Sensible Sentencing Trust, a unique law and order pressure group that advocates for victims' rights and the harsh treatment of offenders. The Trust became an increasingly authoritative voice in both the public and political arena, as public sentiments came to overrule expert knowledge in the administration of penal policy. Ultimately, it argues that the power of penal populism is so strong in New Zealand that attempts to resist it are likely to come to little, unless these forces that brought it to prominence can be addressed and negated. To date, this has not happened.</p>

Discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by a Sweden Democrat in the European Parliament

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-439
Author(s):  
Kamber Güler
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Social Power ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Discursive Construction ◽  
Cognitive Approach ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Group

Discourses are mostly used by the elites as a means of controlling public discourse and hence, the public mind. In this way, they try to legitimate their ideology, values and norms in the society, which may result in social power abuse, dominance or inequality. The role of a critical discourse analyst is to understand and expose such abuses and inequalities. To this end, this paper is aimed at understanding and exposing the discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by the elites in the European Parliament (EP), through the example of Kristina Winberg, a member of the Sweden Democrats political party in Sweden and the political group of Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy in the EP. In the theoretical and methodological framework, the premises and strategies of van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach of critical discourse analysis make it possible to achieve the aim of the paper.

Facing the Challenge of Democracy

2011 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Thinking ◽  
Democratic Representation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Party Polarization

Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.

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