Public attitude towards conservation in New Zealand and awareness of threatened species.

2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark N. H. Seabrook-Davidson ◽  
Dianne H. Brunton
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Threatened Species ◽  
Government Spending ◽  
Native Species ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Industry Research ◽  
Sphenodon Punctatus ◽  
Advocacy Role

A survey was conducted amongst a sample (n = 3 000) of the New Zealand public to gauge their perception of government spending on conservation. The survey also obtained an understanding of the level of awareness the public has of New Zealand threatened species. Respondents ranked eight areas of government spending, namely health, education, superannuation, law and order, defence, conservation of native species, primary industry research & development and tourism. From a response rate of n = 131 (4.5%), health and education were ranked the highest, followed by law and order with conservation in fourth position. Except for conservation of native species, these rankings by respondents closely aligned with priorities of average annual government spending. Awareness was the highest for endemic species such as kiwi Apteryx spp, Hector’s dolphin Cephalorhynchus hectori, kokako Callaeas cinerea cinerea, kakapo Strigops habroptilus, takahe Porphyrio mantelli, Maui’s dolphin Cephalorhynchus hectori maui and tuatara Sphenodon punctatus. The awareness for these prominent species may suggest that the Department of Conservation is achieving some success in its advocacy role to increase the public’s awareness of species threatened with extinction. With awareness of threatened species and the moderate ranking given to conservation expenditure, it is evident there is a level of public support for expenditure on protection of biodiversity and natural heritage.

scholarly journals Vote for justice: Should New Zealand Consider Binding Citizen-Initiated Referenda on Law and Order Policy?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lidewij Oosterhoff
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Theories

<p>This paper examines the origins, benefits and pitfalls of the Citizen Initiated Referenda Act 1993, focusing on the non-binding justice-based referendum question put to the public in 1999. Citizen Initiated Referenda find their roots within the ideas of public participation in government, or direct democracy. This paper examines the philosophical and political theories – both in favour and against direct democracy – in order to canvas opinions relating to political participation. This is used as a basis to assess whether New Zealand should consider holding binding referenda on criminal justice related issues.</p>

scholarly journals Vote for justice: Should New Zealand Consider Binding Citizen-Initiated Referenda on Law and Order Policy?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lidewij Oosterhoff
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Theories

<p>This paper examines the origins, benefits and pitfalls of the Citizen Initiated Referenda Act 1993, focusing on the non-binding justice-based referendum question put to the public in 1999. Citizen Initiated Referenda find their roots within the ideas of public participation in government, or direct democracy. This paper examines the philosophical and political theories – both in favour and against direct democracy – in order to canvas opinions relating to political participation. This is used as a basis to assess whether New Zealand should consider holding binding referenda on criminal justice related issues.</p>

scholarly journals The Power of Penal Populism: Public Influences on Penal and Sentencing Policy from 1999 to 2008

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Tess Bartlett
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Expert Knowledge ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Penal Policy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sentencing Policy ◽  
To Come

<p>This thesis explains the rise and power of penal populism in contemporary New Zealand society. It argues that the rise of penal populism can be attributed to social, economic and political changes that have taken place in New Zealand since the postwar years. These changes undermined the prevailing penalwelfare logic that had dominated policymaking in this area since 1945. It examines the way in which 'the public' became more involved in the administration of penal policy from 1999 to 2008. The credibility given to a law and order referendum in 1999, which drew attention to crime victims and 'tough on crime' discourse, exemplified their new role. In its aftermath, greater influence was given to the public and groups speaking on its behalf. The referendum also influenced political discourse in New Zealand, with politicians increasingly using 'tough on crime' policies in election campaigns as it was believed that this was what 'the public' wanted when it came to criminal justice issues. As part of these developments, the thesis examines the rise of the Sensible Sentencing Trust, a unique law and order pressure group that advocates for victims' rights and the harsh treatment of offenders. The Trust became an increasingly authoritative voice in both the public and political arena, as public sentiments came to overrule expert knowledge in the administration of penal policy. Ultimately, it argues that the power of penal populism is so strong in New Zealand that attempts to resist it are likely to come to little, unless these forces that brought it to prominence can be addressed and negated. To date, this has not happened.</p>

scholarly journals Pakistani Police Governance and Accountability: Challenges and Recommendations

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-319
Author(s):  
Athar Rashid ◽  
Inamullah Jan ◽  
Munib Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Police Department ◽  
Police Performance ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Police System ◽  
International Experts ◽  
Political Realities ◽  
National Framework

The persistence of massive corruption, a lack of accountability, departmental clashes, constitutional crisis, and a deteriorating law and order situation, particularly in the police department, are ample indicators of the country's poor governance. Pakistan has been engulfed by opinionated volatility and turbulence, resulting in the formation of a dark crevice in the country's economic growth and development. Good governance cannot be respected while there is opinionated disarray, a politician's appetite for power, and an unreformed Police Department. The current police system in Pakistan was designed by the British in 1861 to address a more diverse set of social, administrative, and political realities than the country currently portrays. Numerous national and international experts have concluded that colonial architecture is unsuitable for Pakistan. Pakistan requires comprehensive police reforms as a necessary component of the national framework, regardless of which party is in power. The public interest in reclaiming law enforcement's value has never been greater than it is today. There is growing recognition that the assignment requires concentrated effort. There can be no expectation of momentous police reforms without a continuing corporation and partnership edifice among the major players involved. A progressive and unwavering political leadership, a towering altitude of public support, and an enthused and well-led general public that demands higher standards of police performance are all necessary components of change and good governance.

scholarly journals The role and importance of long-term fiscal planning

2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Boston ◽  
Rebecca Prebble
Keyword(s):  
Public Finance ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Government Spending ◽  
The Public ◽  
Fiscal Planning ◽  
Potential Risks ◽  
Professional Judgments

Many countries now require the regular publication of longterm fiscal projections, looking at the potential long-term costs of government spending programmes (see Anderson and Sheppard, 2009). In New Zealand, section 26N of the Public Finance Act 1989 (as amended in 2004) requires the Treasury to publish a Statement on the Long-Term Fiscal Position at least every four years. Under the act, such statements must look out at least 40 years. Their contents are the responsibility of the secretary to the Treasury (rather than the minister of finance), and the Treasury is required to use ‘its best professional judgments’ in assessing the fiscal outlook and potential risks. 

scholarly journals The Power of Penal Populism: Public Influences on Penal and Sentencing Policy from 1999 to 2008

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Tess Bartlett
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Expert Knowledge ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Penal Policy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sentencing Policy ◽  
To Come

<p>This thesis explains the rise and power of penal populism in contemporary New Zealand society. It argues that the rise of penal populism can be attributed to social, economic and political changes that have taken place in New Zealand since the postwar years. These changes undermined the prevailing penalwelfare logic that had dominated policymaking in this area since 1945. It examines the way in which 'the public' became more involved in the administration of penal policy from 1999 to 2008. The credibility given to a law and order referendum in 1999, which drew attention to crime victims and 'tough on crime' discourse, exemplified their new role. In its aftermath, greater influence was given to the public and groups speaking on its behalf. The referendum also influenced political discourse in New Zealand, with politicians increasingly using 'tough on crime' policies in election campaigns as it was believed that this was what 'the public' wanted when it came to criminal justice issues. As part of these developments, the thesis examines the rise of the Sensible Sentencing Trust, a unique law and order pressure group that advocates for victims' rights and the harsh treatment of offenders. The Trust became an increasingly authoritative voice in both the public and political arena, as public sentiments came to overrule expert knowledge in the administration of penal policy. Ultimately, it argues that the power of penal populism is so strong in New Zealand that attempts to resist it are likely to come to little, unless these forces that brought it to prominence can be addressed and negated. To date, this has not happened.</p>

The Banning of Samoa’s Repatriated Mau Songs

2018 ◽  
pp. 490-502
Author(s):  
Richard Moyle
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Cultural Artifacts ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Arena ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Traditional Leadership ◽  
Year 2000

The Samoan Mau nationalistic movement of the 1920s, which led eventually to Independence in 1962, was characterized by group songs many of which were fervent in their support for traditional leadership and scathing in their condemnation of the then New Zealand administration. In the year 2000 copies of Mau songs recorded some fifty years earlier were among musical items repatriated to Samoa to public acclaim and national radio playback, but within a few weeks they were banned from further broadcast. The ban acknowledged singing as a socially powerful tool for local politics, since the broadcasts transformed songs as cultural artifacts to singing as social assertion, returning into the public arena a range of political views that many Samoans had preferred to keep private.

scholarly journals Making equal rights to health an election issue in NZ local body elections

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
P Stone ◽  
D e b Leyland
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Social Determinants Of Health ◽  
Social Determinants ◽  
Health Inequity ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
The Public ◽  
Local Body

Abstract In New Zealand there are 20 district health boards (DHBs) with local elections every 3 years. There is low voter turnout for these, we suspect because the public has low cognizance of the role DHBs have in governing their health and disability system. Good governance ensures everyone whatever ethnicity, gender or sexual proclivity, from birth to old age, able or disabled, mentally well or unwell, drugfree or addicted, has equal rights of dignified access to healthcare. Without public engagement in DHB elections, the community risks having candidates elected that also don't understand their role through a preventative public health framework or human rights lens. The United Community Action Network (UCAN) developed a human rights framework and Health Charter for people driven into poverty by the costs of staying well in NZ. The framework outlines 6 social determinants of health needing protection through policy, to ensure all enjoy their rights to health. UCAN and the Public Health Association of New Zealand (PHA) partnered to raise public and the candidates' awareness during 2019 elections, of these social determinants causing inequity in health outcomes. A series of short explainer-videos were created for sharing through social media during the election build-up period, helping to promote PHA Branches' public Meet the Candidates events. Post-election, a longer film was produced to send to the elected DHB members. Our theory of change centred on spotlighting health inequity for voters, so that they would elect DHB members who had the greatest understanding and commitment to addressing this issue. With shareable videos we aimed to attract audience, raise awareness and debate the policy solutions to health inequity with candidates, enabling more informed choice amongst the voting public. Post-election, we maintain supportive relationships with the elected DHB members that promised their commitment to our Health Charter during their campaigns. Key messages Using videos and social media, local body elections provide an opportunity to promote everyone’s right to affordable healthcare, supporting and informing voter decision-making. UCAN's Health Charter is an advocacy resource for raising awareness of the social determinants of health inequity and poverty for people with mental illness, addiction and disability.

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