scholarly journals Single Story Sellers Everywhere: Deconstructing Media Reportage on Banditry in Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-39
Author(s):  
Alfa Patrick Innocent ◽  
Isah Ibn-Mohammed ◽  
Otaida Eikojonwa

Purpose: The media has been described as the fourth estate of the realm because of the huge role it plays in information dissemination and education. However, when the media peddles narratives to make and or mar one group, the media losses its role ethos and principle of balance and neutrality. Therefore, this work attempts to interrogate imbalance media reportage on the issue of north/south divide on banditry. Method: The work is qualitative and employs extant literature as its main source. Findings: The work found out that the media reports the same incidences in different parts of Nigeria in different tones, when violent crimes occur in the north it is simply referred to as banditry but whilst it happens elsewhere, it is called other less derogatory names that do not qualify the extent of the crimes committed. Implications/Originality/Value: The work recommended among other things that the media must uphold its principles of balanced journalism and help peddle narratives that bind rather than divide.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Howitt

| None of the hundreds of millions of people, from May 2017 to the present, who were presented reports that Kilian Jornet reached the summit of Mt. Everest twice in May 2017, uncovered the intricate, multifaceted fraud of his. This is a case of Factitious Heroism, a condition which is discussed by Dr. Marc Feldman. Kilian's factitious presentation was done in order to motivate others to conceive of him as being a sports hero, and concurrently, in order to receive immense and enduring gratification via innumerable worldwide media-reports, and in order to obtain financial improvement.| This case is akin to my Factitious Disorder By Proxy and Factitious Heroism autism cases, and aspects of my physics and mathematics case.| Kilian Jornet reported reaching the summit of Mt. Everest, via the North Route, solo, without oxygen, and without fixed-ropes, on May 22 at 12:00am, and again on May 27 at 9:30pm. For both of his climbs, he has no summit photos, no summit video, and no summit witnesses. His GPS tracking for the 27th begins at 8650m and descends from there. His GPS tracking for the 22nd gives a highpoint elevation reading of just over 8500m. For both of his climbs, he was a multitude of hours from the summit when he turned back. For both of his climbs, he did not call anyone via his satellite-smartphone from the summit, nor near the summit. 4 climbers, of 2 separate climbing groups (of 2 climbers each), 2 from the USA and 2 from India, and who were separated from one another by several hours, and who climbed to the summit from Camp 4 on May 21-22 on the same route as Kilian, would have each been passed by Kilian during his descent, and within inches or feet of each other, and would have each seen his headlamp a multitude of times as he ascended and descended. The 2 Indian climbers came forward to the media to report that it is impossible that Kilian summitted at 12:00am on May 22 because they would have seen him as described above. The 2 USA climbers indicated to me that they hold this opinion as well. Over 1 year later, Kilian submitted claimed summit-photos and claimed summit-video, for both of his claimed summits, all of which are 100% dark except for minimal illumination of his face and upper torso, as he did not use his headlamp nor GoPro light to illuminate any of the surface of the mountain, which could have easily been done to show that he was at the summit – he could have illuminated the highly recognizable summit surface (its general shape), and the abundant summit-flags and other summit-objects. For all of Kilian's other mountain climbs and mountain runs, for his several year Summits of My Life project, he has abundant summit-photos, summit-video, summit-witnesses, and complete and accurate GPS tracking. For both of Kilian's Everest attempts, he began his ascents during hours of the day that are the opposite to what all other climbers do, namely in the late afternoon and early evening. Climbers do not climb during these times because the increase of temperature, the presence of sunlight, and the increase of wind, cause changes to the mountain surface such that chance of rock-fall, ice-fall, and opening-crevasses increases dramatically, and become extreme dangers to one's life. Kilian claimed to not climb with fixed-ropes for either climb. However, his self-taken GoPro video on May 27 shows that he used fixed-ropes. Despite that it is the highest elevation video of himself on Everest, he did not provide the video to any media, nor on his website. Apparently it was inadvertently provided to a French media who did a YouTube video about Kilian, which was never linked to nor mentioned by any other media. Kilian stated that his Suunto watch battery failed for his May 22 climb shortly below the summit (several hours below the summit). However, Suunto watch batteries last for many years. Over 1 year after my case-report began to be disseminated and discussed in many countries and by minor-media and major-media, Kilian reported to a forum-user of LetsRun.com, Andy Tavin, that he has GoPro GPS tracking for both of his climbs. Kilian took about 2 months to provide the data to the Andy. Andy wrote his own case-report on the matter in early 2019, using much of my case-report for his own report. Unlike Kilian's above Suunto GPS data, which was auto-uploaded to his Suunto Movescount.com account-webage, Kilian has never provided his claimed GoPro data to any media, nor published it. It was likely manually contrived post-controversy. Of Kilian's claimed summit-video, he likely went back to the rock-band that he videoed himself at previously (mentioned above), at night, and took the video, as all aspects of the video are essentially identical to his above video, except that it is dark. There are other aspects of my case-report that are not summarized above.| All of my other references are listed within the below case-report.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1638-1661
Author(s):  
Nhamo A. Mhiripiri ◽  
Jacqueline Chikakano

Criminal defamation and the criminalisation of communication in general often result in severe punishment for the media and other content producers accused and prosecuted for committing such ‘crimes'. There are severe financial penalties involved and /or the incarceration of those who are convicted of breaking the law. This chapter studies the existence and feasibility of criminal defamation in largely contemporary Africa, but also making references to ‘older' democracies in the Western hemisphere. In short, the chapter critiques criminal defamation and the criminalisation of expression, making a strong legal and ethical perspective quite often using empirical materials from the courts. The inception and proliferation of new digital technologies amongst ordinary citizens also means that besides the traditional media or fourth estate, ordinary non-professional communicators are also highly likely to get into trouble over defamation, criminal defamation and other forms of crimes associated with the criminalisation of communication.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Howitt

| None of the hundreds of millions of people, from May 2017 to the present, who were presented reports that Kilian Jornet reached the summit of Mt. Everest twice in May 2017, uncovered the intricate, multifaceted fraud of his. This is a case of Factitious Heroism, a condition which is discussed by Dr. Marc Feldman. Kilian's factitious presentation was done in order to motivate others to conceive of him as being a sports hero, and concurrently, in order to receive immense and enduring gratification via innumerable worldwide media-reports, and in order to obtain financial improvement.| This case is akin to my Factitious Disorder By Proxy and Factitious Heroism autism cases, and aspects of my physics and mathematics case.| Kilian Jornet reported reaching the summit of Mt. Everest, via the North Route, solo, without oxygen, and without fixed-ropes, on May 22 at 12:00am, and again on May 27 at 9:30pm. For both of his climbs, he has no summit photos, no summit video, and no summit witnesses. His GPS tracking for the 27th begins at 8650m and descends from there. His GPS tracking for the 22nd gives a highpoint elevation reading of just over 8500m. For both of his climbs, he was a multitude of hours from the summit when he turned back. For both of his climbs, he did not call anyone via his satellite-smartphone from the summit, nor near the summit. 4 climbers, of 2 separate climbing groups (of 2 climbers each), 2 from the USA and 2 from India, and who were separated from one another by several hours, and who climbed to the summit from Camp 4 on May 21-22 on the same route as Kilian, would have each been passed by Kilian during his descent, and within inches or feet of each other, and would have each seen his headlamp a multitude of times as he ascended and descended. The 2 Indian climbers came forward to the media to report that it is impossible that Kilian summitted at 12:00am on May 22 because they would have seen him as described above. The 2 USA climbers indicated to me that they hold this opinion as well. Over 1 year later, Kilian submitted claimed summit-photos and claimed summit-video, for both of his claimed summits, all of which are 100% dark except for minimal illumination of his face and upper torso, as he did not use his headlamp nor GoPro light to illuminate any of the surface of the mountain, which could have easily been done to show that he was at the summit – he could have illuminated the highly recognizable summit surface (its general shape), and the abundant summit-flags and other summit-objects. For all of Kilian's other mountain climbs and mountain runs, for his several year Summits of My Life project, he has abundant summit-photos, summit-video, summit-witnesses, and complete and accurate GPS tracking. For both of Kilian's Everest attempts, he began his ascents during hours of the day that are the opposite to what all other climbers do, namely in the late afternoon and early evening. Climbers do not climb during these times because the increase of temperature, the presence of sunlight, and the increase of wind, cause changes to the mountain surface such that chance of rock-fall, ice-fall, and opening-crevasses increases dramatically, and become extreme dangers to one's life. Kilian claimed to not climb with fixed-ropes for either climb. However, his self-taken GoPro video on May 27 shows that he used fixed-ropes. Despite that it is the highest elevation video of himself on Everest, he did not provide the video to any media, nor on his website. Apparently it was inadvertently provided to a French media who did a YouTube video about Kilian, which was never linked to nor mentioned by any other media. Kilian stated that his Suunto watch battery failed for his May 22 climb shortly below the summit (several hours below the summit). However, Suunto watch batteries last for many years. Over 1 year after my case-report began to be disseminated and discussed in many countries and by minor-media and major-media, Kilian reported to a forum-user of LetsRun.com, Andy Tavin, that he has GoPro GPS tracking for both of his climbs. Kilian took about 2 months to provide the data to the Andy. Andy wrote his own case-report on the matter in early 2019, using much of my case-report for his own report. Unlike Kilian's above Suunto GPS data, which was auto-uploaded to his Suunto Movescount.com account-webage, Kilian has never provided his claimed GoPro data to any media, nor published it. It was likely manually contrived post-controversy. Of Kilian's claimed summit-video, he likely went back to the rock-band that he videoed himself at previously (mentioned above), at night, and took the video, as all aspects of the video are essentially identical to his above video, except that it is dark. There are other aspects of my case-report that are not summarized above.| All of my other references are listed within the below case-report.


Author(s):  
Nhamo A. Mhiripiri ◽  
Jacqueline Chikakano

Criminal defamation and the criminalisation of communication in general often result in severe punishment for the media and other content producers accused and prosecuted for committing such ‘crimes'. There are severe financial penalties involved and /or the incarceration of those who are convicted of breaking the law. This chapter studies the existence and feasibility of criminal defamation in largely contemporary Africa, but also making references to ‘older' democracies in the Western hemisphere. In short, the chapter critiques criminal defamation and the criminalisation of expression, making a strong legal and ethical perspective quite often using empirical materials from the courts. The inception and proliferation of new digital technologies amongst ordinary citizens also means that besides the traditional media or fourth estate, ordinary non-professional communicators are also highly likely to get into trouble over defamation, criminal defamation and other forms of crimes associated with the criminalisation of communication.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 392-401
Author(s):  
T. R. Birkhead ◽  
G. Axon ◽  
J. R. Middleton

Most of the approximately 75 known eggs of the extinct great auk ( Pinguinus impennis) are in public museums, with a few in private collections. A small number of these eggs has sustained damage, either at the time of collection or subsequently, and two of these eggs are known to have been repaired. The two eggs suffered rather different types of damage and were subsequently restored using different techniques. The first, known as Bourman Labrey's egg, sustained extensive damage sometime prior to the 1840s, when the shell was broken into numerous pieces. This egg was repaired by William Yarrell in the 1840s, and when it was restored again in 2018, it was discovered that Yarrell's restoration had involved the use of an elaborate cardboard armature. This egg is currently in a private collection. The second egg, known as the Scarborough egg, bequeathed to the Scarborough Museum in 1877, was damaged (by unknown causes) and repaired, probably by the then curator at Scarborough, W. J. Clarke, in 1906. This egg was damaged when one or more pieces were broken adjacent to the blowhole at the narrow end (where there was some pre-existing damage). The media reports at the time exaggerated the extent of the damage, suggesting that the egg was broken almost in two. Possible reasons for this exaggeration are discussed. Recent examination using a black light and ultraviolet (UV) revealed that the eggshell had once borne the words, “a Penguin's Egg”, that were subsequently removed by scraping.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4(13)) ◽  
pp. 51-60
Author(s):  
Ksenia Olegovna NEVMERZHITSKAYA ◽  

The media influence politics by providing intelligence and arena for political statements. Therefore, the danger of spreading false information and deliberate disinformation can have serious consequences. It is impossible to accuse specific media outlets of unfair coverage, but one cannot fail to note the existing resonance in media reports from different countries. Interpretations of the same events are radically different, while a journalist must rely on facts. The world is faced with the problem of global misunderstanding and information discord. Modern international broadcasting plays an important role in shaping the picture of the event for the world community. It is impossible to deny that the information agenda of many foreign broadcast media depends to some extent on a number of reasons: nationality, foreign policy of his state, profitability. Otherwise, the global media would not contradict each other. We want to track how modern foreign broadcasting builds its agenda and what principles it is guided by. Keywords: Broadcasting, media, Media agenda


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 741
Author(s):  
Katherine Hicks-Courant ◽  
Jenny Shen ◽  
Angela Stroupe ◽  
Angel Cronin ◽  
Elizabeth F. Bair ◽  
...  

Background: Given that media coverage can shape healthcare expectations, it is essential that we understand how the media frames “personalized medicine” (PM) in oncology, and whether information about unproven technologies is widely disseminated. Methods: We conducted a content analysis of 396 news reports related to cancer and PM published between 1 January 1998 and 31 December 2011. Two coders independently coded all the reports using a pre-defined framework. Determination of coverage of “standard” and “non-standard” therapies and tests was made by comparing the media print/broadcast date to the date of Federal Drug Administration approval or incorporation into clinical guidelines. Results: Although the term “personalized medicine” appeared in all reports, it was clearly defined only 27% of the time. Stories more frequently reported PM benefits than challenges (96% vs. 48%, p < 0.001). Commonly reported benefits included improved treatment (89%), prediction of side effects (30%), disease risk prediction (33%), and lower cost (19%). Commonly reported challenges included high cost (28%), potential for discrimination (29%), and concerns over privacy and regulation (21%). Coverage of inherited DNA testing was more common than coverage of tumor testing (79% vs. 25%, p < 0.001). Media reports of standard tests and treatments were common; however, 8% included information about non-standard technologies, such as experimental medications and gene therapy. Conclusion: Confusion about personalized cancer medicine may be exacerbated by media reports that fail to clearly define the term. While most media stories reported on standard tests and treatments, an emphasis on the benefits of PM may lead to unrealistic expectations for cancer genomic care.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003335492199917
Author(s):  
Kaitlin Kelly-Reif ◽  
Jessica L. Rinsky ◽  
Sophia K. Chiu ◽  
Sherry Burrer ◽  
Marie A. de Perio ◽  
...  

We aimed to describe coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) deaths among first responders early in the COVID-19 pandemic. We used media reports to gather timely information about COVID-19–related deaths among first responders during March 30–April 30, 2020, and evaluated the sensitivity of media scanning compared with traditional surveillance. We abstracted information about demographic characteristics, occupation, underlying conditions, and exposure source. Twelve of 19 US public health jurisdictions with data on reported deaths provided verification, and 7 jurisdictions reported whether additional deaths had occurred; we calculated the sensitivity of media scanning among these 7 jurisdictions. We identified 97 COVID-19–related first-responder deaths during the study period through media and jurisdiction reports. Participating jurisdictions reported 5 deaths not reported by the media. Sixty-six decedents worked in law enforcement, and 31 decedents worked in fire/emergency medical services. Media reports rarely noted underlying conditions. The media scan sensitivity was 88% (95% CI, 73%-96%) in the subset of 7 jurisdictions. Media reports demonstrated high sensitivity in documenting COVID-19–related deaths among first responders; however, information on risk factors was scarce. Routine collection of data on industry and occupation could improve understanding of COVID-19 morbidity and mortality among all workers.


1970 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Paul Boynton ◽  
Deil S. Wright

Greater social awareness and action commitments should be expected and demanded of the Fourth Estate in reducing the gap between government and ghetto in the seventh decade.


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