scholarly journals The impact of leftist on political movement of Eastern Kurdistan: JK (1942-1945)

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 289-307
Author(s):  
Ismael Abdalrahman Sahe

Leftism ideology came to Kurdistan through different ways like; social democracy movement, Iranian Communist Party, Iranian Tuddeh Party and invasion of Kurdistan by the red army and the support of the Soviet Union for the Kurdistan Republic. Since the leftism idea promoted justice and equality and removal of all kinds of oppression, it was attractive to the Kurdish intellectuals and so they welcomed it: the Kurdistan Revival association as the first nationalist party of Kurdistan (1942). In spite of this, it was a national-religious party, but the effect of left thoughts was clear. In that order they were against to the feudalism system as an socioeconomic regime of Kurdistan, and they tried to destroy tribal system in Kurdistan and at the same time they supported grubber class and specially farmer class. Kurdistan Revival Association to reach its main goal meaning creating a Kurdish Independent Government, was looking for foreign support, hence, its relations with the Soviet Union were very friendly and; even in its declarations, there are sympathize for socioeconomic system of Soviet Union.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Jakub Majkowski

This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-32
Author(s):  
Anne E. Hasselmann

In the wake of the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, Soviet museum curators began to establish a museal depiction of the war. This article analyzes these early beginnings of Soviet war commemoration and the curtailing of its surprising heterogeneity in late Stalinism. Historical research has largely ignored the impact of Soviet museum workers (muzeishchiki) on the evolution of Russian war memory. Archival material from the Red Army Museum, now renamed the Central Museum of the Armed Forces, in Moscow and the Belarus Museum of the History of the Great Patriotic War in Minsk documents the unfolding of locally specific war exhibitions which stand in stark contrast to the later homogenized official Soviet war narrative. Yet war memory was not created unilaterally by the curators. Visitors also participated in its making, as the museum guestbooks demonstrate. As “sites of commemoration and learning,” early Soviet war exhibitions reveal the agency of the muzeishchiki and the involvement of the visitors in the “small events” of memory creation.


1952 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-238
Author(s):  
Roy Macridis

The Soviet-Yugoslav dispute and the subsequent defection of the Yugoslav Communist Party from the ranks of the Cominform early in 1948 took the world by surprise. This surprise was in itself indicative of our belief that Stalinist control was to be taken for granted at least in the areas where the local Communist parties had come to power through direct or indirect help from the Soviet Union and particularly from the Red Army. Even when no such help had been given, the ideological affinities of Communist states and their need of alliances to preserve the Communist power structures would lead, it was believed, to a tightening of relations with the Soviet Union and to Soviet predominance. In other words, we tended to accept without question the premises of Stalinism.


1993 ◽  
Vol 133 ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Garver

The collapse first of Communist rule of the USSR and then of the USSR itself was without question one of the pivotal events of the era. Since China's 20th-century history has been so deeply influenced by Soviet developments, it is important to examine the impact of these events on China. This article asks, first, whether the top leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), had a deliberate policy towards the decline of Soviet Communism, and if so, what was the nature of that policy? Did the CCP attempt to assist their comrades in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) as the latter battled for survival during 1990 and 1991?


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020/2 ◽  
pp. 125-145
Author(s):  
Regina Laukaitytė

THE LAST MONTHS OF THE GERMAN OCCUPATION IN LITHUANIA: ESCAPE OF THE CIVILIAN POPULATION TO THE REICH AND POLITICAL EXPECTATIONS IN 1944 The article analyses the situation in Lithuania in the last months of the German occupation, focusing on what preparations were made for the evacuation of the population in the spring and summer of 1944 and how it proceeded, and the impact of the actions and propaganda of the German authorities and the deliberations of Lithuanian underground organisations regarding the political and military situation and the end of the war on the numbers of war refugees (around 80,000 people left in July–October, with the exception of the Klaipėda region, which was deserted after the Germans retreated) and citizens’ political expectations. The research is based on historiography, official and underground publications, diaries and memoirs. During the war, there was no political centre in Lithuania that processed reliable political information and provided it to the public. Although, starting from 1943, there were institutions and organisations to take care of war refugees flooding in from the USSR, when the Red Army crossed the Lithuanian border in early July 1944, local government was no longer coordinating population movements. The German occupying authorities and the Lithuanian government, consisting of general advisers, had prepared plans for the evacuation of the population and property; however, until the very last minute, no one risked taking the initiative to implement them. People in Lithuania were still quite optimistic in the summer and autumn of 1944. Quite a few believed that the front would stabilise at the German border, and that the Soviet Union ‘will run out of steam’ and suspend hostilities. Optimism was encouraged by official German propaganda, and the fact that in August–October, military action ‘stuck’ in Lithuania for two and a half months, as the Red Army stopped in order to replenish its supplies. Moreover, influential Lithuanian underground organisations did not believe that the country was on the brink of a long Soviet occupation, and did not discuss the situation of the civilian population. Lithuanian underground organisations, from Social Democrats to Nationalists, which were unequivocally optimistic about the international situation, believing the promises of US and British politicians to restore prewar borders, used the press and proclamations to shape expectations in society that the Soviet occupation would be temporary. Politicians leaving Lithuania expected to return soon, thus leaving the people with the hope of rapid political change.


Menotyra ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rasa Vasinauskaitė

The article analyses the institution of Lithuanian theatre criticism in the Soviet period and its connection with the ideological requirements of the time. The resolutions of the Communist Party during the Stalinist and post-Stalinist periods, theatre repertoire, reviews, and the concept of social realism in the theatre are also discussed. The 1946–1948 resolutions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that regulated the development of culture and art, as well as the doctrine of socialist realism influenced both the practice of theatre and its critics. In the 1950s and 1960s, theatre criticism became a tool of ideology and propaganda, to such an extent that it ‘itself created a socialist realist text’. It is also important that during this period, the names of interwar critics disappeared from the press; critics were represented by party functionaries, party-owned directors, actors, and writers. The ‘return’ of criticism is related with the Thaw period and a new generation of both theatre creators and critics. It can be said that the independence and autonomy of criticism started taking shape in the late 1960s, especially with the performances of director Jonas Jurašas. Writing about the Jurašas’s productions, directed between 1967 and 1972, critics came to reflect on the nature of theatre, theatrical creation or creative freedom, and the disguised and false reality. The discourse of criticism not only freed itself from previously obligatory normative criteria and depersonalised style, but also started representing the subjective gaze of the critic, who not only tried to cover the aesthetic/artistic whole of the performance, but also to establish direct contact with both creators and readers, to capture and convey the impact of the performance on the viewers of their time. In summary, despite external (censorship) and internal (self-censorship) circumstances, the discourse of theatrical criticism changed only at the end of the 1960s, and began to approach artistic discourse: the ideological criteria for understanding and evaluating a performance theatrical production were replaced by artistic and aesthetic ones.


Author(s):  
A. James McAdams

This book is a sweeping history of one of the most significant political institutions of the modern world. The communist party was a revolutionary idea long before its supporters came to power. The book argues that the rise and fall of communism can be understood only by taking into account the origins and evolution of this compelling idea. It shows how the leaders of parties in countries as diverse as the Soviet Union, China, Germany, Yugoslavia, Cuba, and North Korea adapted the original ideas of revolutionaries like Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin to profoundly different social and cultural settings. The book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand world communism and the captivating idea that gave it life.


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