A Study on the Marriage and Migration of Korean Women and U.S. Army Officer seen through Marriage Applications in the 1950s : America’s Immigration Control Policy and the ‘Secret’ Bonding of Others

2019 ◽  
Vol 91 ◽  
pp. 139-168
Author(s):  
Eun-kyung KIM
Temida ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanja Copic

Human trafficking as a form of organized crime is showing its increase today, changing at the same time its structure and characteristics. Some factors that contribute to such a situation are global trends that result in huge social and economic inequalities in the world, but also turbulences and problems that are affecting certain regions (wars, political instability, ethnic conflicts, militarization etc.). Human trafficking, as a complex social phenomenon that encompasses different forms of acting, subjects and aims, can be analyzed within different concepts. One of them refers to the issue of broader migration flows and migration control policy. Namely, from the global perspective, trafficking in human beings can be mostly considered as a form of 'organized illegal migration'. Due to that, it seems important to consider the issue of routes through which this form of migration is realized today. Discovering human trafficking routes, as well as other forms of illegal movement of people and illegal forms of trade are very important from the point of view of implementing adequate measures and relocation of resources in order to suppress these forms of socially unacceptable phenomena. Creating adequate anti-trafficking activities is important on national, regional and international levels. Keeping that in mind, the aim of this paper is to look into the contemporary routes of human trafficking within Europe and find out what is the position of Serbia on these routes, as well to examine possible changes that happened in this field during past several years. This will be done on the basis of the analysis of relevant literature, as well as on some preliminary findings of the survey on male victims of human trafficking in Serbia, which is currently conducted by the Victimology Society of Serbia.


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 359-370
Author(s):  
Matti Peltonen

Sweden and Finland reviewed their alcohol control policies in the 1950s at more or less the same time. Sweden abolished its ration book system and lifted restrictions on the sale of medium strength beer, Finland in turn revised its mechanisms for controlling the purchase of alcohol, a version of the Bratt system. In Sweden, alcohol consumption increased sharply and the number of drunkenness offences doubled. In Finland, by contrast, nothing happened. Why? History provides one possible source of explanation. The Swedish version of the Bratt system was much stricter (with monthly rations allocated on the basis of social class and sex) and therefore there was greater pressure towards a liberalisation of alcohol policy than was the case in Finland. During the war and in the post-war years Finland had a strong labour movement, which was keen to underline and demonstrate that the working class were in every respect decent and upright people. The debate that was touched off by the General Strike in 1956 is particularly interesting. On the political right, workers were frequently portrayed as heavy drinkers; the political left worked hard to fend off this propaganda attack. In this kind of atmosphere it was impossible to seriously call for a liberalisation of alcohol control policy in Finland.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catarina Sabino ◽  
João Peixoto ◽  
Alexandre Abreu

AbstractThe main objective of this article is to describe the key elements of the making of immigration control policies in Portugal until 2007. First, the main policy initiatives and measures concerning the admission of foreigners are presented. Second, the mechanisms and difficulties surrounding the issue of immigration control are discussed, and a tension is identified between the structural demand for foreign labour and the measures taken for control. Third, the positions of the main political parties and of the most relevant stakeholders are highlighted. The evidence indicates that despite continued attempts to control immigration, the stated policy objectives are at odds with the outcome, characterised by endemic irregular migration. The factors hindering regulation are both internal and external, encompassing the economic, social, institutional and legal domains. Given the limits to control, policy-makers have sought to achieve a compromise by enacting frequent regularization programmes while seeking to improve admission and control. In this process, the main political parties have exhibited a significant degree of consensus, which may be partially accounted for by the convergence among the other stakeholders (employers, trade unions, Catholic organisations and immigrants' associations) and by the increasing, albeit contradictory, acceptance of immigration by public opinion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 102-126
Author(s):  
Ana Aliverti

This chapter delves deeper into the ubiquity of race in migration policing, its camouflage, and disavowal, and its legitimation and power for making sense of a complex and fluid social geography. It explores how racial knowledge and taxonomies are deployed and redefined through migration policing. As the ‘fine-grained cognitive maps’ with which the police operate are rendered insufficient and inefficient, immigration enforcement has been increasingly brought on board. Immigration enforcement works with and through race as a sorting technique in insidious, oblique, and paradoxical ways, giving meaning to and redefining the contours of police suspicion. Its presence is ubiquitous and legally sanctioned, yet selective, continuously disavowed, and often left unarticulated and nebulous. In immigration enforcement, the chapter argues, race makes state power operate in particularly mysterious, hazy, and magic-like ways, hinging on some bodies and not others, building on irretrievable vocabulary, associations, visual registers, smells and other sensory clues, and lingering colonial imageries and knowledge. In this context, racial sorting and profiling is not a deviation or aberration, but a constitutive part without which its exercise is futile. As a racial technology, immigration control practices illustrate the power and resilience of race, as well as its fragility. Ultimately, the chapter concludes, race is a shaky and fragile basis for policing which lays bare its contradictions, paradoxes, and limits.


2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-439
Author(s):  
Annika Lindberg

Abstract The special issue discusses the intersections between social welfare and migration control, as well as how stratified access to welfare services is used to govern ‘unwanted’ groups. This article explores these intersections in Denmark’ deterrence-oriented asylum policy regime, analysing the discourses and practices whereby people seeking protection are constructed as ‘undeserving’ poor. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in different sites of enforcement of Denmark’s asylum regime as well as interviews with street-level workers and people who sought asylum in Denmark, I trace how the Danish deterrence approach operates through the production of poverty and precarity among people seeking protection in asylum reception camps, deportation-oriented integration programmes, and finally, deportation camps. I show how the Danish welfare state, as a result of the merging of external and internal bordering practices, produces a condition of precarity and (non)deportability that extends from the asylum camps to those awarded temporary protection status. Hence, while the deterrence-oriented Danish policy regime has not proven ‘effective’ from the point of view of immigration control, it has served to reinforced a dualised, hierarchically ordered welfare rights’ regime that gradually erodes the rights and life opportunities of unwanted noncitizen ‘others’.


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