scholarly journals Exploration on the Cultural Exchange Between Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Great Bay Area and Southeast Asian Countries Under the Belt and Road Initiative

Author(s):  
Yi Zhang ◽  
Wenhuan Yang
2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (10) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina

The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiaming Liang

President Xi, focusing on building a new pattern of all-round opening up to the outside world and promoting the common prosperity and progress of all countries, put forward a major proposal for the construction of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the maritime Silk Road in twenty-first Century. The bay area economy, as an important coastal economic form, is the highlight of the current international economic map, and is a significant symbol of the world's first-class coastal city. The international first-class bay areas, such as New York Bay area, San Francisco Bay area and Tokyo Bay area, are characterized by openness, innovation, livability and internationalization. The Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area has four world-class cities, name Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Hong Kong and Macao, and the Pearl River Delta city cluster. It has an open economic structure, efficient resource allocation ability, strong agglomeration and spillover function and development international communication network plays a core function of leading innovation and gathering radiation. It is an important growth pole for promoting the economic development of the maritime Silk Road and a leader in technological change. With the help of Portugal's geographical position on the maritime Silk Road and market access advantages within the EU system, the Greater Bay Area should further deepen scientific and technological cooperation, improve the ability of scientific and technological innovation of both sides, let the scientific research subjects of the bay area help Portugal's scientific and technological development, and enhance Portugal's scientific and technological position in the EU. From the perspective of the Belt and Road Initiative, combined with the basic situation and cooperation of China, especially Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macau, and the development of science and technology in Portugal, this article explores the technological fields, policy measures that are suitable for scientific and technological cooperation between the two sides, and puts forward corresponding suggestions to contribute to the technological development of China, Portugal and the global economic and social sustainable development.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-14
Author(s):  
Siu-kai Lau

Purpose The Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area (GBA) Strategy is an important component of the “Belt and Road Initiative” of China. The purpose of this Project is to develop the GBA into the most open, market-oriented and innovative pole of economic growth in China. The GBA Project provides Hong Kong with a rare opportunity to diversify its industrial structure and to move into a new and higher stage of economic development. Design/methodology/approach Being an integral part of the GBA, Hong Kong is expected and supported by the Central Government to develop into a hub of the Area, and, leveraging on Hong Kong’s status as an international metropolis, to connect the Area as a whole with the world. Findings China’s Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area Project is a major national development strategy and is a major part of the Belt and Road Initiative. Hong Kong is going to play an important role in the Project and will benefit from it enormously in the future in terms of economic growth and the upgrading of its industrial structure. However, in order to take full advantage of participation in the Project, the way Hong Kong is governed, particularly the government's role in economic development, has to be modified significantly. Originality/value In order to take advantage of the Project, the Hong Kong SAR Government has to play a bigger and more proactive role in Hong Kong’s socioeconomic development and to strengthen its capacity to mobilize societal participation in the Project.


2020 ◽  
Vol 02 (01) ◽  
pp. 2050003
Author(s):  
Cahyo Pamungkas ◽  
Saiful Hakam ◽  
Devi Tri Indriasari

This paper aims to describe the reason of China to change its governance of investment mainly the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Southeast Asia. Although many countries in this region need huge investment to improve and build their infrastructure as well as infrastructure’s connectivity between countries, there is some fear involving China’s investment in the past. These are unintended consequences of China’s investment on environmental, social, and debt-trap in certain poor countries. Nevertheless, there is still hope for better Chinese investment such as consideration of local people’s aspirations and more transparency. At the regional level, the BRI can synergize with local connectivity initiatives, such as the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) and Indonesia’s Global Maritime Fulcrum, and encourage the integration of the ASEAN Economic Community. Different from the previous studies, this paper also uses the historical approach by learning the relation between China and Southeast Asian countries in the past. Our argument is Southeast Asian countries do not need to fear Chinese economic expansions based on history that China is not a political threat in the region. However, China should change the governance of BRI to accommodate the interest of people in Southeast Asian countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 3485
Author(s):  
Zhiwen Gong ◽  
Fung Chan ◽  
Yan Wu

When the Chinese government proposed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)in 2015, Hong Kong was positioned as a “super-connector” responsible for bridging the mainland and global markets and was planned to integrate into the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macau Greater Bay Area. The objective of this article is to analyze the Chinese designs to promote its BRI collaboration through Hong Kong to enhance foreign confidence and ensure that the related institutional transplantation is sustainable in other countries and that it is on par with international standards. However, the rise of neighboring cities and the changing Sino–American relationship in recent years has provided uncertainties for the future development of Hong Kong. Due to these factors, this article argues that Hong Kong may not effectively share the functions in the BRI planning designed by the Chinese authorities. Because Hong Kong’s role and how it influences the policy outcomes within the BRI framework have not been thoroughly studied, this article will supplement the current literature vacuum on this specific issue and its future development.


2018 ◽  
Vol 01 (04) ◽  
pp. 1850026
Author(s):  
Peter Mathieson

The author, a British academic who was President of the University of Hong Kong between 2014 and 2018, discusses the Belt and Road initiative and the Greater Bay Area plan, particularly focusing on the possible implications for the higher education sector in China and beyond.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1(50)) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Natalia G. Rogozhina ◽  

The article notes that China's mask diplomacy in Southeast Asia is an integral part of its foreign policy aimed at strengthening its positions in the region by increasing the level of confidence. By providing assistance to Southeast Asian countries in the fight against COVID-19, China hopes to improve its image of a “benevolent” neighbor in the region. At the same time, the priority was given to those countries of Southeast Asia with which the closest relations have developed and which are participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. In the development of the achieved success in mask diplomacy, China is moving to the implementation of the so-called vaccine diplomacy in Southeast Asia. However, despite the currently pronounced humanitarian orientation of China's foreign policy in Southeast Asia, the continuing territorial conflict in the South China Sea plays against its positive image in the region as “generous sponsor”. Time will tell whether mask diplomacy will help China gain an edge in the competition for influence in the region. But one thing is clear – China is acting decisively and does not miss a single chance to provide support for the countries of Southeast Asia in the competition with the United States.


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