Reflections from a contact / conflict zone

Elore ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johanna Latvala
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Junfeng Zhang ◽  
Jinyuan Tao ◽  
Lei Xu ◽  
Xiong Zhang ◽  
Yuteng Sun

Identifying geographical spatial conflicts and optimizing development patterns are important prerequisites for eliminating the conflicts of geographical spatial conflict. The paper takes the Wuhan Metropolitan Area as an example. Using grid-scale data, we construct a multi-functional suitability evaluation index system for geographical space, starting from three dimensions: ecological protection, agricultural production and urban construction. The multi-index comprehensive evaluation method is used to measure the geographical spatial suitability level and identify the characteristics of geographical spatial conflict patterns. Three-dimensional Rubik's cube model is used to divide the space conflict types and optimize the partition. We found that the areas with suitable ecological protection functions and more suitable areas are mainly distributed near the waters and the Dabie Mountains and Mufu Mountains with relatively high altitude in Wuhan Metropolitan Area. Suitable areas for agricultural production functions are concentrated in the Jianghan Plain. Suitable areas for urban construction functions are concentrated around urban areas, established towns, and major transportation routes. Regions with high intensity of land and space conflicts are mainly located in the central and northwestern parts of the Wuhan Metropolitan Area. Regions with low levels of conflict are concentrated in the west, northeast, and southeast regions of the Wuhan Metropolitan Area. The degree of geographical spatial conflict in Wuhan Metropolitan Area can be divided into three primary zones and 12 secondary zones, which are intense conflict zone, general conflict zone, and weak conflict zone. Based on multi-functional perspective, identifying and analyzing the types of geographical spatial conflict will help locate the development direction of different conflict areas and provide theoretical and technical support for the optimization of geographical space.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
R Calam ◽  
A El-Khani

Abstract This presentation will provide an overview of a set of materials and programmes designed for families who are living through or have escaped conflict and displacement. Delivery formats include i) brief leaflets giving parenting advice for caregivers; ii) a more extensive booklet and format for a Conversation Group, and iii) a programme designed to address post-traumatic stress in children, Teaching Recovery Techniques (TRT), to which a caregiver and parenting skills module was added, to form TRT+Parenting. Each intervention has been tested or trialled with families living in challenged contexts. The leaflet was distributed to 3000 families via bakeries in conflict zones in Syria. The Conversation Group was trialled for feasibility in Palestine. TRT+Parenting was piloted with Syrian families living on the Turkey-Syria border, and then trialled with 120 families in Lebanon, with teachers and social care workers trained as facilitators. In Syria, 59.5% of 3000 parents returned questionnaires and reported satisfaction with the leaflet despite the study being conducted in a conflict zone and in the context of humanitarian intervention. The Conversation Group proved feasible and acceptable, and caregivers in Palestine gave positive feedback. Children and caregivers showed significant improvements across measures of trauma and mental health, with higher levels of improvement seen in the TRT+Parenting group compared to TRT alone or waitlist. Caregivers who took part in the Plus Parenting component also reported improvement in their own mental health. The results demonstrated valuable improvements across all interventions, and indicate that brief programs can and should be widely used as components of preventive strategies.


2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Zurawski

This article examines the special role of non-technological, everyday surveillance in Northern Ireland, and its meaning for life in the conflict laden province. It looks at the dimensions of people watching other people and how it is that the culture of conflict, which undoubtedly still exists in Northern Ireland, also produces a culture of surveillance. This culture then affects the way in which other forms of surveillance are viewed: with the introduction of CCTV into Northern Ireland, it becomes clear that many issues connected to this technology differ in comparison to other locations and cultural contexts, particularly with regard to issues of trust


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-49
Author(s):  
Amrita Ghosh

This essay studies two literary texts on Kashmir, The Collaborator (2011) by Mirza Waheed and Curfewed Night (2010) by Basharat Peer and analyzes the discourses of power, overt forms of violence that the works present. It first contextualizes events from the last three years that have occurred in Kashmir to present forms of violence Kashmiri subjects undergo in the quotidian of life. The essay, thus, argues that the selected literary works represent Kashmir as a unique postcolonial conflict zone that defies an easy terminology to understand the onslaught of violence, and the varied forms of power. As analyzed in the article, one finds a curious merging of biopolitics and necropolitics that constructs the characters as “living dead” within this emergency zone. For this, the theoretical trajectory of the essay is mapped out to show the transition from Foucault and Agamben’s idea of biopolitics to Mbembe’s concept of necropolitics. Thereafter, essay concludes how the two texts illustrate Agamben’s notion of the bare life is not enough to understand subjects living in this unique postcoloniality. The presence of death and the dead bodies go beyond bare life and shows how that bodies become significant signifiers that construct a varied notion of agency.


The article discusses the problem of the identity of the population in the conflict zone in the Donbas. It is possible to speak about the existing civic identity if the person realizes his or her belonging to the state, whose citizen he or she is by status, all the attributes of statehood acquire valuable significance, and the “territory of life” shared with other fellow citizens is perceived as the Motherland. The authorities of the DPR and the LPR force citizens on their territory to abandon the identity of a citizen of Ukraine and to acquire the identity of their quasi-republics. For the success of the Ukrainian troops, it is important that the population of the territory where hostilities take place, identify themselves with Ukraine, consider themselves Ukrainians. This is the main task of identity politics. It is emphasized that in the conditions of a shortage of Ukrainian identity among the population in the area of hostilities, it is necessary to help stimulate the formation (strengthening) of such an identity. In identity politics identity management is important. In the conflict zone in the Donbas, civilian identities of the parties in hostile relations compete. It is argued that the desire to influence the identity of the residents of Donbass in order to form a certain identity among them is part of a hybrid war. If the residents in the combat zone have a shortage of Ukrainian identity, then it is necessary to promote the strengthening or formation of such an identity. Identity enforcement techniques can be propaganda, informational, economic, as well as violent, with the use of weapons. One of the methods of struggle for identity is the work of civil society structures, including volunteers. One of the means of implementation of identity politics is an appeal to historical memory. In the management of identity, discursive practices, events of a cultural, scientific, and sporting nature are important. Of great importance for determining identity is the line of demarcation, when the checkpoint divides the territory into “its” and “other”. The location of a person on the one or the other side of the roadblock improves the personality and relevant life practices. The conclusion is formulated that the success of the struggle for the identity of a Ukrainian citizen among the residents of Donbass will help resolve the armed conflict in the east of our country.


Author(s):  
A. Krylov

The post-Soviet history of the South Caucasus is divided into three stages of different duration, format and character. The first stage (1991-2008) began after the collapse of the USSR and continued until the war in South Ossetia in August 2008. At this time, the formation of independent states took place, the vectors of foreign policy of the new states were determined. The second stage of the post-Soviet history of the South Caucasus (2008-2020) began after a five-day war and Russia's recognition of the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Russia has strengthened its position in the South Caucasus by building a long-term system of response to potential threats in the southern direction. The Georgian factor has ceased to play an important role, the Armenian direction has become the main one in the policy of the United States and the collective West. To reformat the South Caucasus in American interests, “football diplomacy” was used, and then the second Karabakh war followed. After the end of the second Karabakh war, the third stage of the post-Soviet development of the South Caucasus began. At the end of 2020, Moscow managed to stabilize the situation and bring a contingent of Russian peacekeepers into the conflict zone. Further prospects for the development of the South Caucasus depend on many contradictory factors. The more tense the international situation and Russia's relations with the United States and the collective West will be, the higher the likelihood of the outbreak of new wars and conflicts in the South Caucasus.


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