L’âge du bronze en Europe et en Méditerranée / The Bronze Age in Europe and the Mediterranean: Sessions générales et posters / General Sessions and Posters

2005 ◽  
Radiocarbon ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (04) ◽  
pp. S1-S16
Author(s):  
Malcolm H. Wiener

Human history has been marked by major episodes of climate change and human response, sometimes accompanied by independent innovations. In the Bronze Age, the sequencing of causes and reactions is dependent in part on dendrochronology and radiocarbon dating. This paper explores the interaction of a major, prolonged desiccation event between c. 2300 and 2000 BC and human agency including migrations, the displacement of trading networks, warfare, the appearance of weapons made of bronze, and the first appearance of sailing vessels in the Mediterranean.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph H. Marcus ◽  
Cosimo Posth ◽  
Harald Ringbauer ◽  
Luca Lai ◽  
Robin Skeates ◽  
...  

AbstractRecent ancient DNA studies of western Eurasia have revealed a dynamic history of admixture, with evidence for major migrations during the Neolithic and Bronze Age. The population of the Mediterranean island of Sardinia has been notable in these studies – Neolithic individuals from mainland Europe cluster more closely with Sardinian individuals than with all other present-day Europeans. The current model to explain this result is that Sardinia received an initial influx of Neolithic ancestry and then remained relatively isolated from expansions in the later Neolithic and Bronze Age that took place in continental Europe. To test this model, we generated genome-wide capture data (approximately 1.2 million variants) for 43 ancient Sardinian individuals spanning the Neolithic through the Bronze Age, including individuals from Sardinia’s Nuragic culture, which is known for the construction of numerous large stone towers throughout the island. We analyze these new samples in the context of previously generated genome-wide ancient DNA data from 972 ancient individuals across western Eurasia and whole-genome sequence data from approximately 1,500 modern individuals from Sardinia. The ancient Sardinian individuals show a strong affinity to western Mediterranean Neolithic populations and we infer a high degree of genetic continuity on the island from the Neolithic (around fifth millennium BCE) through the Nuragic period (second millennium BCE). In particular, during the Bronze Age in Sardinia, we do not find significant levels of the “Steppe” ancestry that was spreading in many other parts of Europe at that time. We also characterize subsequent genetic influx between the Nuragic period and the present. We detect novel, modest signals of admixture between 1,000 BCE and present-day, from ancestry sources in the eastern and northern Mediterranean. Within Sardinia, we confirm that populations from the more geographically isolated mountainous provinces have experienced elevated levels of genetic drift and that northern and southwestern regions of the island received more gene flow from outside Sardinia. Overall, our genetic analysis sheds new light on the origin of Neolithic settlement on Sardinia, reinforces models of genetic continuity on the island, and provides enhanced power to detect post-Bronze-Age gene flow. Together, these findings offer a refined demographic model for future medical genetic studies in Sardinia.


1999 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 111-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. K. Hansen ◽  
J. N. Postgate

The mound of Kilise Tepe, formerly known as Maltepe, stands above the left bank of the Göksu near where the river leaves the Mut basin to plunge between cliffs down to the coast at Silifke about 45km to the southeast. It thus dominates one of the best-known routes from the Mediterranean to the central Anatolian plateau. Excavation at the site began in 1994, and confirmed the presence here of Late Bronze Age occupation, already deduced from collections of surface sherds by Mellaart and French, but also revealed Iron Age, Hellenistic and Byzantine layers. The present article addresses rather specifically the ceramic evidence for the end of the Bronze Age and subsequent Iron Age occupation, with particular emphasis on the chronological framework and certain wares in these levels not previously described.


Author(s):  
Duane W. Roller

Exploration in antiquity was largely the result of commercial or military endeavours, rather than any pure quest for knowledge or scholarship. Nevertheless, from the first efforts of Greeks to move beyond the Greek heartland into the Black Sea and western Mediterranean, which began as early as the end of the Bronze Age, Greeks and Romans steadily explored around and beyond their world. By the late Roman period, almost all of the Eastern Hemisphere was known, with the exception of interior southern Africa and the far northeastern portions of Asia, and it was suggested that there might be other continents across the ocean. Despite an emphasis on trade and commercial contacts, there was also an increase in scientific and other scholarly knowledge. The beginnings of Greek exploration are apparent in the Odyssey of Homer and may go back to the latter part of the Bronze Age. By the latter 7th century bce, Greeks were moving outside of the Mediterranean to the Phoenician (later Carthaginian) trading cities such as Gadeira on the Atlantic. With the rise of the Persians, they began to learn about what lay to their east, and Alexander the Great created awareness of a world stretching as far as India. At the same time, Pytheas of Massalia explored the northern Atlantic as far as Iceland. The discipline of geography was invented by Eratosthenes of Cyrene in the latter 3rd century bce, and in the following century the explorer Polybius reached the Equator. Roman military operations in the north of Europe and the British Isles and trade journeys into central Africa meant those regions were brought into the sphere of knowledge of the Mediterranean world. Realization that the inhabited world, however vast, was only a small part of the total surface of the Earth led to theorization about other lands across the ocean, but there is no solid evidence that anyone from the ancient Mediterranean reached them and was able to report on them. By the latter 1st century bce traders became aware of Southeast Asia and China, and there were occasional contacts during the Roman period, but by the 2nd century ce the era of ancient exploration was at an end, and there was little further expansion of geographical knowledge until the Islamic period.


2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Monroe

AbstractThe largest seagoing sailed merchantmen in the Mediterranean and Gulf during the Bronze Age (c. 3000-1150 BC) were probably not much larger than the ship that wrecked at Uluburun—about 20 tons capacity and 16 meters long. A 13th c. letter from Ugarit, long interpreted as indicative of much larger ships, is reinterpreted in the context of available texts, archaeology, and iconography. Available iconographical evidence points toward a 20 meter maximum length, and the evidence of the Uluburun shipwreck only nominally exceeds the maximum size of seagoing ships appearing in Mesopotamian records. Storage jars from shipwrecks, including those found at Uluburun, are used to address problematical aspects of the textual evidence, wherein the capacity of ships is given in volumetric units. Though problematic, all available evidence suggests that reconstructions of Bronze Age trade networks should assume smaller ship capacities. On se doute que les navires de commerce les plus larges – il s'agit des voiliers – naviguant sur la Méditerranée et le Golfe à l'Âge du Bronze (vers 3000-1150 av. J.-C.) ne furent pas plus grands que le vaisseau qui coula au large d'Uluburun (côte méridionale de la Turquie). Ce bateau-là a dû avoir une contenance d'environ 20 tonnes et une longueur de 16 mètres. Un passage se trouvant dans une lettre d'Ugarit datant du XIIIe s. av. J.-C. longuement interprété comme reflétant l'existence des vaisseaux beaucoup plus larges à cette époque-là, a été réinterprété dans le contexte des témoignages textuels, archéologiques et iconographiques disponibles. Tandisque l'iconographie suggère une longueur maximale de 20 mètres, l'épave d'Uluburun par contre correspond à peu près à la largeur maximale des navires de mer tels qu'ils figurent dans les documents Mésopotamiens. Les amphores sorties des épaves, y inclus celles d'Uluburun, servent à aborder des aspects problématiques des textes donnant la capacité des vaisseaux sous forme d'unités volumétriques. Or, en admettant que les l'interprétation des sources disponibles posent des difficultés, tout se porte à croire que la reconstruction des réseaux de commerce de l'Â ge de Bronze devrait être fait à base des capacités plus modestes.


1987 ◽  
Vol 82 ◽  
pp. 201-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. Reese

The 1963 excavation at Palaikastro-Kastri in eastern Crete produced about 150 marine shells. The species preserved are listed in Table 1, and their date and context in Table 2. Significant shells from the collection are compared with other Minoan examples in Part I. The shell evidence for purple-dye production at Palaikastro is studied along with the other evidence from the Bronze Age Mediterranean in Part II.


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