The Ultimate Bolshevik

2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-407
Author(s):  
Paul R. Gregory

Abstract Ron Suny’s Stalin: Passage to Revolution traces Stalin from a young revolutionary in the Caucasus to his ascent to the top of the Bolshevik hierarchy. Discovered and promoted by Lenin, the young Stalin agitated among the workers of the giant factories in Baku, Tiflis, and Batumi as Russian socialists split between Menshevism’s social democracy and Bolshevism’s Marxist revolution. Between 1902 and 1917, Stalin was arrested or exiled six times, escaping five times. Rushing to Petrograd in the wake of the abdication and formation of the coalition government, Stalin managed the Bolshevik press and served as the main Bolshevik figure in Lenin’s absence. Although not among the most popular political parties, the Bolshevik’s “ground game” among workers and soldiers proved decisive once Lenin concluded to begin the Bolshevik coup.

Social democracy is on the back-foot, and increasingly centre-left political parties are struggling to win office. Since the global financial crisis, if not before, there has been a general decline in the fortunes of social democratic and labour parties. Against these recent developments, there is a long-standing literature that appraises the electoral performance and impact of the left more broadly. Much of the literature on social democracy tends to be pessimistic, and there is a plethora of research that denotes recent developments as a ‘crisis’. Bringing together a range of leading academics and experts on social democratic politics and policy, this book offers an international, comparative view of the changing political landscape, examining the degree to which the centre-left project is exhausted and is able to renew its message in a neo-liberal age.


Significance Another field, Chouech Essaida, has been shut since February 28 because of labour unrest. Demonstrations extend beyond the oil and gas sector. Months of protests across Tunisia are beginning to exact a toll on the coalition government as demonstrators return to the streets of the capital to challenge the latest effort to pass a controversial ‘economic reconciliation’ bill that would in effect give amnesty to businessmen who engaged in corrupt practices under the former regime. Impacts The unity of the coalition government will come under further pressure as ministers struggle to respond to demonstrations. Political parties risk becoming more isolated from the electorate without major internal reforms. The government will be tempted to return to more authoritarian techniques of rule as protests deepen.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Efriza Efriza

<pre><em><span lang="EN">This paper discusses the relationship between the President and the House of Representatives and the coalition government based on the three years of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), who was trapped in inter-institutional competition as a consequence of a mixture of presidential and multi-party systems</span></em><em><span lang="IN">.</span></em><em></em><em><span lang="IN">Initialy</span></em><em><span lang="EN">, President Jokowi has the desire to realize a coalition based on ideology and the same program (consensus coalition) between political parties, but the reality, it is difficult to make it happen in government,</span></em><em><span lang="IN"> finally President Jokowi re-elected a coalition of “all parties”</span></em><em><span lang="EN">. </span></em><em><span lang="IN">Using </span></em><em><span lang="EN">some of the basics of Scott Mainwaring and David Altman about presidential and multiparty combination systems and coalitions in presidential systems, complemented by several Coalitions. Then, complete the results of Otto Kirchheimer on Catch All Party, to outline the transformation of the party in this modern era. Accompanied by discussions on political parties in Indonesia, based on Yasraf Amir Piliang's description of political nomadism. Based on the facts and outcomes, a combination of presidential and multiparty systems and the government's management of government by President Jokowi, which manages a "fat" coalition with accommodative leadership and transactional performances. Matters relating to the harmonious relationship between the President and the House of Representatives with the consequence that the President is committed to realizing an unconditional coalition and not for the power-seats. Coalition management can be done because the choice of the party that develops as a supporter of the government is also based not only on the need for political imagery in order to encourage electoral in the political market, but also in the spirit of the party.</span></em><em></em></pre><pre><em><span lang="EN">                                                                                                                          </span></em><span lang="EN">                               </span></pre><pre><strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">Key</span></em></strong><strong><em></em></strong><strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">words</span></em></strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">: </span></em><em><span lang="EN">Presidential System, Coalition Government, the President-Parliament Relations, Leadership Jokowi </span></em><em></em></pre>


Author(s):  
Kees Aarts ◽  
Maarten Arentsen

Nuclear power accounts for a low share only of electricity generation in the Netherlands. Plans for further expansion came to a halt due to a high-intensity nuclear energy debate and the Chernobyl accident. After a short resurgence in the early 2000s, political parties and voters shifted towards the anti-nuclear position after the Fukushima disaster. The chapter underlines the importance of path dependency in energy policy and concludes that government policies in consensus democracies with many political parties and coalition government are relatively unresponsive to public opinion and changes in the electoral performance of parties, because there is continuity in parts of the government’s composition in most cases.


Author(s):  
Annika Bergman Rosamond

This chapter provides a critical assessment of Swedish internationalism by unpacking its social democratic roots and liberal expressions. It examines the distinct features of Sweden’s social democratic internationalism, with its focus on solidarism within and beyond borders, and the country’s tradition of neutrality, which is also linked to internationalism. The chapter also provides an investigation into the internationalist tradition of the center-right coalition government known as the Alliance. The discussion is situated within constructivist scholarship on Swedish internationalism, social democracy, and neutrality. The empirical focus is Sweden’s commitment to a more equitably distributed international income through provisions of overseas development assistance.


Significance Morocco’s new coalition government is struggling to address the unrest. The new coalition is unwieldy: it has 39 ministerial posts and includes six political parties. The make-up of the coalition dilutes the influence of the Justice and Development Party (PJD), which won the most seats in the October 2016 election, and reaffirms the National Rally of Independents (RNI) as the palace favourite, even though the party lost 15 parliamentary seats. Impacts Large protests will distract the new government from promoting its economic reforms. Demonstrations could become a political liability for the new prime minister. The palace will face less resistance from the PJD than previously in setting policy on a range of issues.


2013 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 567-585 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAUL HOGGETT ◽  
HEN WILKINSON ◽  
PHEOBE BEEDELL

AbstractThe role of the emotions in the framing of welfare policies is still relatively underexplored. This article examines the role of resentment in the construction of a particular form of ‘anti-welfare populism’ advanced by the Coalition Government in the UK after 2010. We argue that UK political parties have appropriated the discourse of fairness to promote fundamentally divisive policies which have been popular with large sections of the electorate including, paradoxically, many poorer voters. In focus group research in white working class communities in the UK undertaken just before the 2010 General Election, resentments related to perceived unfairness and loss emerged as very strong themes among our respondents. We examine such resentments in terms of an underlying ‘structure of feeling’ which fuels the reactionary populism seen in ‘anti-welfare’ discourses. These promote increasingly conditional and punitive forms of welfare in countries experiencing austerity, such as the UK, creating rivalries rather than building solidarities amongst those who ‘have little’ and drawing attention away from greater inequalities.


1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yeo Kim Wah

Singapore became a distinct crown colony in 1946. Two years later the British Government began to introduce constitutional reforms in the island in accordance with its pledge in 1943 to foster the growth of “(Malaya's) capacity for self-government within the British Empire”. This colonial tutelage assumed two forms. Firstly, the government started to prepare for a fully elected legislature through which to transfer power to the people in the future. Secondly, the people were trained to work a system of democratic elections based on universal suffrage for all British and (after 1948) British Protected Subjects. The process, however, was fairly slow with the result that the governmental system of a normal crown colony remained basically intact in Singapore until 1955. Assisted by an advisory executive council and a legislative council, the governor continued to rule the colony with almost unlimited powers, subject only to the control of the Secretary of State for the Colonies at Whitehall. The legislature did not even have an elected majority until the Rendel Constitution was introduced in April 1955. Under this new constitution, the Labour Front-Alliance coalition government became the first elected government to assume office with a considerable degree of power in its hands.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Žúborová Viera

Abstract The last election in the Slovak and Czech Republic was special. It not only took place before the official electoral period (pre-elections), but new political parties were “again” successful. The article focuses not only on both elections in the last two years in a comparative perspective, but it analyses the opportunity structure of success as well, including types of new political parties (according to Lucardie). The article seeks to answer the question: why are new political parties electorally successful, able to break into parliament and even become part of a coalition government? We assume that the emergence and success of new political parties in both countries relied on the ability to promote “old” ideas in a new fashion, colloquially referred to as “new suits” or “old” ideological flows in new breeze.


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