Disenfranchisement in the course of political reorganization. Accommodation and social assistance for asylum seekers in West Berlin and Hamburg, 1973-1982

Erdkunde ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-61
Author(s):  
Malte Bogmann
Keyword(s):  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Social Assistance ◽  
West Berlin

“It’s not even the leaders out here who have any say at all in how long they’re gonna have to wait”: A study of waiting time, power, and acceptance

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 1128-1149
Author(s):  
Lasse S Hansen
Keyword(s):  
Waiting Time ◽  
Lived Experiences ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Social Assistance ◽  
The State ◽  
Ethnographic Study ◽  
Frontline Workers ◽  
To Receive ◽  
Activation Site

Waiting time is an exercise of power. When citizens such as welfare clients, asylum seekers, or inmates encounter the state, they experience lengthy waiting time. Their cases are often delayed; their appointments are postponed or canceled. This creates uncertainty, and studies on the lived experiences of waiting time show that this makes citizens accept that they have to wait. In this study, I argue that citizens accept that they have to wait because they believe that frontline workers have no power to reduce waiting time. I explore this through an ethnographic study of citizens on social assistance at an activation site in Denmark where they perform labor to receive their benefits. The study makes three contributions to the existing scholarship on waiting time. First, it combines observations of both frontline workers’ decisions about waiting time and how citizens experience these decisions. I explore how the frontline workers make citizens wait to perform labor and leave at the end of the day. The length of waiting changes daily, and citizens are rarely informed about how long they have to wait. I observe that citizens accept the waiting time even though they associate it with frustration, demotivation, and uncertainty. Second, what engenders this acceptance is the frontline workers’ tendency to deflect “blame away” from their power to impose waiting time. When they justify their decisions, they deflect blame either “upwards” (toward the rules or their management) or “downwards” (toward troublesome citizens). Third, the study shows that waiting time do not only reflect structural asymmetries between the citizens and the frontline workers. Citizens accept that they have to wait, because they build trust with the frontline workers and believe that the reduction of waiting time is beyond their control. This shows that the power of waiting time is also relationally produced.

scholarly journals Characteristics of specialist consultations regarding immigrant patients at a large Swedish hospital

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
V Svärd ◽  
E Sernbo ◽  
M Nilsson
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Social Care ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Social Assistance ◽  
Hospital Staff ◽  
Right To Health ◽  
Migration Status ◽  
Health And Social Care

Abstract Background After an increased number of asylum-seeking patients, the Karolinska University Hospital in 2016 introduced a one-year-project with five asylum social workers (ASW). This study analyzes the characteristics of patients, issues and performed tasks. Methods The data consists of five months anonymized case documentation of ASWs direct patient contacts and documented telephone consultations with staff. Descriptive statistics and qualitative content analysis were made. Results Of direct patient contacts, 56% were with asylum seekers, 7% undocumented, 7% EU citizens and 30% had various forms of migration status. Tasks consisted of 39% external cooperation, 15% writing certificates, 20% applying for e.g. social assistance for patients’ basic needs. Analysis of telephone consultations with staff showed that 24% concerned patients with unclear migration status, 17% undocumented, 14% asylum seekers, followed by various forms of migration status. The issues related to patient rights (17%), housing and discharge problems (17%), subsidized health care (11%), costs for care (10%), social assistance (8%) and national registration and establishment (8%). Performed tasks by ASWs were legal advice (19%), referral for further management (19%), advice about cooperation with e.g. the Swedish Migration Board (14%), costs for health and social care (13%), social support (11%), health care administration (10%), application for visa or passport (8%) and the right to subsidized health care (7%). Conclusions ASWs performed tasks concerning cooperation and advisement regarding care-planning and legal concerns, helping both patients and staff. Staff were often insecure about immigrant patient’s legal status and right to health and social care. To optimize support to staff regarding asylum-seeking patients, it is recommended to use a broader definition of migration status to include unclear cases. Key messages The hospital staff were often insecure about immigrant patient’s legal status and consultation should thus address various forms of migration status among patients. The hospital staff needed consultation regarding legislations, discharge, housing, social assistance and costs for and right to health and social care.

International Human Rights Law and the Access of Children of Asylum Seekers to Social Assistance in South Africa

2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ademola Oluborode Jegede ◽  
Puleng Letuka ◽  
Tivoneleni Edmund Lubisi
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Social Assistance ◽  
International Human Rights Law ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
Regulatory Frameworks ◽  
International Human ◽  
The Right ◽  
International Instruments

There is a massive presence of asylum seekers in South Africa. Amongst this population are children who need social assistance from the state distributed as ‘grants’, due to their dependence, vulnerability and developmental requirements. South Africa is a state party to international instruments on human rights and has a regulatory framework including the Constitution which allows for the application of these instruments and guarantees the right to social security for everyone. This article focuses on whether the existing corpus of international instruments on human rights and relevant domestic regulatory frameworks may allow children of asylum seekers the access to social assistance in South Africa. While demonstrating that the access to social assistance for children of asylum seekers is implied under international human rights instruments, the article establishes that this has not found expression in the application of existing legislation on social assistance in South Africa. By deploying an appropriate interpretive approach, courts may respond to this normative gap and thereby assist in guaranteeing the access of these children to social assistance in South Africa.

Mistrust, anger, and hostility in refugees, asylum seekers, and immigrants: A systematic review.

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 239-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
María José da Silva Rebelo ◽  
Mercedes Fernández ◽  
Joseba Achotegui
Keyword(s):  
Systematic Review ◽  
Asylum Seekers

Asylum-seekers falsely implicating themselves in international crimes: Should they be informed of the existence of Article 1F of the Refugee Convention?

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-101
Author(s):  
Brian Moore ◽  
Joris van Wijk
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Refugee Convention ◽  
International Crimes ◽  
Refugee Claim ◽  
The Uk ◽  
National Governments

Case studies in the Netherlands and the UK of asylum applicants excluded or under consideration of exclusion pursuant to Article 1Fa of the Refugee Convention reveal that some applicants falsely implicated themselves in serious crimes or behaviours in order to enhance their refugee claim. This may have serious consequences for the excluded persons themselves, as well as for national governments dealing with them. For this reason we suggest immigration authorities could consider forewarning asylum applicants i.e. before their interview, about the existence, purpose and possible consequences of exclusion on the basis of Article 1F.

Almanya’da aşırı sağ hareketler ve medyanın suçlu göçmen söyleminin resmi belgeler ışığında incelenmesi

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-226
Author(s):  
Soner Tauscher
Keyword(s):  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
German Society ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Substantial Part ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
Open Door ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Open Door Policy ◽  
Far Right

Avrupa ülkelerinin alışık olduğu düzenli işçi göçü ve kontrollü sığınmacı alımı Suriye iç savaşının üst düzeye ulaştığı 2013/2014 yılından itibaren önemli bir değişim göstermektedir. Avrupa Birliği, kuruluşundan bu yana en yoğun mülteci göçüyle karşılaşmaktadır. Yaşanan bu kontrolsüz ve zorunlu göçe Avrupa toplumları ve devletleri hazırlıksız yakalanmıştır. Mülteci krizini ekonomik olarak fırsata çevirmek isteyen Almanya ise göçmenler için 2015 yazından itibaren açık kapı politikası uygulamaya başlamıştır. Ancak uygulanan açık kapı politikası Alman toplumunun azımsanmayacak bir kesiminde mültecilere ve Müslümanlara yönelik ağır ve şiddetli bir karşı kampanya ortaya çıkardı. Mülteciler ve Müslümanlar aşırı sağ toplumsal hareketlerin gösterilerinde “tecavüzcü”, “işgalci”, “kriminal dolandırıcılar” vb. sıfatlar ile birlikte anılmakta, medya da bu söylemlerin taşıyıcılığını yaparak kamusallaşmasını sağlamaktadır. Böylece aşırı sağı desteklemeyen, apolitik, ya da sığınmacılara karşı hoşgörülü davranan toplum kesimlerinde kamuoyu oluşturularak sığınmacı ve göçmenlere karşı olumsuz algı gündemde tutulmakta, politik olanın merkezine yerleştirilmektedir. Bu çalışmada öncelikle göçmenlere karşı aşırı sağ toplumsal hareketlerin oluşturduğu olumsuz söylemin McCombs ve Shaw’un Gündem Belirleme Kuramı (Agenda Setting Function) bağlamında medya tarafından siyasetin merkezine nasıl oturtulduğu tartışılacaktır. Ayrıca gündemde tutulan mültecilere yönelik olumsuz söylemin gerçeği yansıtıp yansıtmadığı, göçmenlerin ve sığınmacıların biyolojik Almanlardan daha çok suça meyilli olup olmadığı oluşturulan soyut söylemlerden ziyade Almanya İçişleri Bakanlığı’nın yıllık olarak yayınladığı Emniyet Suç İstatistikleri temel alınarak incelenecektir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHFar right movements in Germany and evaluation of media discourse of criminal immigrant in the light of official documentsFlows of regular worker migration and regular asylum seekers, of whom European countries are familiar, have significantly changed since 2013/2014 when the civil war of Syria reached its peak. The European Union face probably the most intensive refugee migration since its establishment. European societies and states have not been prepared for this uncontrolled and compulsory immigration. Germany seem to want to turn the refugee crisis into an economic opportunity as evident in their open door policy since the summer of 2015. However, implementation of open-door policy has led a substantial part of German society to a strong campaign against the refugees and Muslims. Refugees and Muslims are referred to as “rapists”, “invaders”, “criminal fraudsters”, and so on in demonstrations of far right movements and media has helped disseminating these discourses. Hence, this manipulated and hateful discourse tries to gain support from the segment of society wh normally does not support far right and often apolitical, or tolerant towards asylum seekers. In this study, the ways in which the negative discourse of far right social movements against immigrants is brought to the centre of the political agenda by media is analysed using the agenda setting framework by McCombs and Shaw. Then, the claims that immigrants are involved in crime, or they are prone to be criminals are analysed and contrasted with the data obtained from the annual Crime and Safety Reports of the German Ministry of the Interior.

Bir güvensizlik ülkesi olarak Türkiye’nin mültecileri, Suriyeliler ve Türk mülteciler

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Sirkeci
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Syrian Refugees ◽  
Member States ◽  
Refugee Population ◽  
Syrian Crisis ◽  
Syrian Refugee ◽  
Generous Support ◽  
The Eu

Doğu ve güney komşuları üzerinde gelen göç akınlarının ve üye ülkeler arasındaki göçlerin artışıyla Avrupa Birliği (AB) en büyük krizlerinden birini yaşamaktadır. Avrupa’daki en ana tartışma konuları arasında Avrupa’ya göçü ve AB içindeki göçü sınırlamak ve üye ülkeler arasında mülteci kotası ve külfet paylaşımına yapılan itirazlar yer aldı. Bu krizde Türkiye anahtar ülke olarak ortaya çıktı ve ülkedeki büyük Suriyeli mülteci nüfusu ve bu nüfusun Avrupa’ya gitmesini engellemesi karşılığında vaat edilen milyarlarca Avro nedeniyle tartışmaların odağında yer aldı. Suriye krizi 4,8 milyon mülteci yarattı ve 2016 yılı sonu itibariyle bunların 2,8 milyonu Türkiye’de ikamet etmekteydi. Suriyeli mültecilere karşı cömert tavrıyla Türkiye güvenli bir ülke olarak tescil edilmiş oldu. Bu, hikayenin daha karanlık bir başka yüzünü gölgelemektedir. Çünkü aynı ülkenin vatandaşları 1980 askeri darbesinden bu yana milyonu aşkın sığınma başvurusu yaptılar. Ülkenin bugünkü şartları ve yeni veriler, Türkiye’den AB’ye yönelen daha çok mülteci akını olacağını gösteriyor. ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHTurkey’s refugees, Syrians and refugees from Turkey: a country of insecurityThe European Union (EU) has faced one of its biggest crises with the rise of population inflows through its Eastern and Southern neighbours as well as movements within the Union. In 2016, the main debate that dominated Europe was on restricting migration within and into the EU along with concerns and objections to the refugee quota systems and the sharing of the burden among member states. Turkey emerged as a ‘gate keeper’ in this crisis and has since been at the centre of debates because of the large Syrian refugee population in the country and billions of Euros it was promised to prevent refugees travelling to Europe. The Syrian crisis produced over 4.8 million refugees with over 2.8 million were based in Turkey by the end of 2016. Turkey with its generous support for Syrian refugees has been confirmed as a ‘country of security’. This shadows the darker side of affairs as the very same country has also produced millions of asylum seekers since the 1980 military coup. Current circumstances and fresh evidence indicate that there will be more EU bound refugees coming through and from Turkey. 

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