scholarly journals On the limits of shared syntactic representations: When word order variation blocks priming between an artificial language and Dutch

Author(s):  
Merel Muylle ◽  
Bernolet Sarah ◽  
Robert Hartsuiker

Several studies used artificial language (AL) learning paradigms to investigate structural priming between languages in early phases of learning. The presence of such priming would indicate that syntactic representations are shared across these languages. Muylle, Bernolet, and Hartsuiker (2020) found similar priming between Dutch (SVO order) and an AL with either SVO or SOV order. However, it is unclear whether such sharing would occur if the AL allows both the same and different word order as the native language. Indeed, the presence of a (easy to share) similar structure might block the sharing of a less similar structure. Here, we report two experiments that each tested 48 native speakers of Dutch on an AL that allowed both SVO and SOV order in transitive and ditransitive sentences. We assessed both within- AL and AL-Dutch priming. We predicted a) priming of both structure and word order within the AL, and b) that the presence of SVO sentences in the AL would result in weaker priming to Dutch from SOV sentences than from SVO sentences. Indeed, cross-linguistic priming was significantly weaker in the SOV compared to the SVO conditions, in line with our predictions. Unexpectedly, in the absence of a condition with verb overlap between prime and target sentences, no priming was found in AL and Dutch target conditions without verb overlap (Experiment 1), but priming emerged when a verb overlap condition was added (Experiment 2). This finding suggests that lexical overlap conditions are crucial to establish abstract syntactic representations during early L2 acquisition.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merel Muylle ◽  
Bernolet Sarah ◽  
Robert Hartsuiker

Several studies found cross-linguistic structural priming with various language combinations. Here, we investigated the role of two important domains of language variation: case marking and word order. We varied these features in an artificial language (AL) learning paradigm, using three different AL versions in a between-subjects design. Priming was assessed between Dutch (no case marking, SVO word order) and a) a baseline version with SVO word order, b) a case marking version, and c) a version with SOV word order. Similar within- language and cross-linguistic priming was found in all versions for transitive sentences, indicating that cross-linguistic structural priming was not hindered. In contrast, for ditransitive sentences we found similar within-language priming for all versions, but no cross-linguistic priming. The finding that cross-linguistic priming is possible between languages that vary in morphological marking or word order, is compatible with studies showing cross-linguistic priming between natural languages that differ on these dimensions.


1999 ◽  
Vol 125-126 ◽  
pp. 161-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Marc Dewaele

Abstract Inter-individual variation in the use of direct interrogative structures (N = 450) is explored in a corpus of spoken native and non-native French. A quantitative analysis of the data reveals that while non-native speakers seem to avoid non-standard structures, they do not use more formal variants systematically. Comparison with data from other native and non-native corpora reveals important differences in the frequency of particular interrogative structures. The choice of interrogative structure seems to be influenced by a number of situational, pragmatic and socio-stylistic variables.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-166
Author(s):  
Katherine Hodgson

Abstract The subject of this paper is discourse-related word order variation associated with nominals in Eastern Armenian. Hale (1983) proposes that there are some languages which are non-configurational, i.e. lacking hierarchical syntactic structure. The properties that he proposed to be characteristic of non-configurational languages are a) free word order b) extensive use of null anaphora and c) discontinuous constituents. Armenian possesses all of these characteristics. However, since Hale’s original proposal, it has been pointed out that many apparently non-configurational languages do in fact have hierarchical syntactic structure, but that the surface patterns are determined primarily by discourse properties rather than by grammatical relations. These languages have been termed ‘discourse configurational’, defined by É. Kiss (1995) as follows: a language is discourse configurational if (discourse-) semantic functions topic (what sentence is ‘about’) and/or focus (identification) are associated with particular structural positions. It has been argued that this is indeed the case for the clause in Eastern Armenian (see e.g. Comrie (1984), Megerdoomian (2011) and Tamrazian (1994)). Making use of data from approximately 10,000 words of transcribed spontaneous speech by native speakers of Eastern Armenian discussion with native speaker consultants, and the Eastern Armenian National Corpus (www.eanc.net), I argue that the noun phrase exhibits similar discourse configurational properties to those found in the clause, and that these are responsible for word order variation within it. The interaction between noun-phrase-internal discourse-related movement and analogous discourse-related movement operations within the clause is responsible for the appearance of apparently discontinuous noun phrases. Thus the existence of Hale’s ‘non-configurational’ properties in EA does not justify the proposal that this language lacks hierarchical syntactic structure.


Author(s):  
Julia Bacskai-Atkari

This chapter examines word order variation and change in the high CP-domain of Hungarian embedded clauses containing the finite subordinating C head hogy ‘that’. It is argued that the complementizer hogy developed from an operator of the same morphophonological form, meaning ‘how’, and that its grammaticalization path develops in two steps. In addition to the change from an operator, located in a specifier, into a C head (specifier-to-head reanalysis), the fully grammaticalized complementizer hogy also changed its relative position on the CP-periphery, ultimately occupying the higher of two C head positions (upward reanalysis). Other complementizers that could co-occur with hogy in Old Hungarian eventually underwent similar reanalysis processes. Hence the possibility of accommodating two separate C heads in the left periphery was lost and variation in the relative position of complementizers was replaced by a fixed order.


Author(s):  
Svetlana Petrova ◽  
Helmut Weiß

This chapter surveys the word order variation in the right periphery of the clause in OHG. The investigation is based on a corpus including all dependent clauses introduced by the complementizer thaz ‘that’ in the minor OHG documents, a collection of up to forty smaller texts of various genres. The analysis shows that the majority of the data can be explained within a standard OV grammar, assuming additional extraposition of heavy XPs to the right. But apart from these cases, there is evidence supporting the assumption of leftward movement of the verb to an intermediate functional projection vP which is optional with basic OV but obligatory with basic VO. In addition, the chapter presents patterns which evidently involve verb movement to a higher functional head, above vP, and discusses the nature of the landing site of the verb in these cases.


2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELENA SEOANE

The aim of this article is to provide an overview of the syntactic, pragmatic and semantic determinants of word-order variation in Modern English, exemplified by the specific case of the use of long passives as order-rearranging devices. Word order in English and in most other SVO languages is affected by a number of factors such as animacy, semantic role, discourse status and syntactic complexity (Sornicola 2006). In this article, which analyses the influence of such factors in the use of long passives, I will try to show that their effects are construction-specific; in particular, that factors which are crucial in determining word order in some constructions – factors such as the animacy of the constituents involved – are entirely overruled by others in the case of Modern English long passives. Corpus data presented here will also serve to address issues pertaining to the nature of the determinants of grammatical variation, such as their independent versus epiphenomenal character, their interactions, and the locus of their effects on word order.


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