Dylematy unijnej polityki sąsiedztwa oraz wyzwania dla polityki zewnętrznej UE na Bliskim Wschodzie, Afryce Północnej i Ameryce Łacińskiej

2015 ◽  
pp. 122-141
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Mizerska-Wrotkowska

The purpose of this article is to analyse the challenges for EU foreign policy in three of its geographical areas of interest, which I treat here as case studies: in North Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. The research challenge here is to answer the following questions: 1) How can the European Neighbourhood Policy be made more effective? 2) What lies behind the lack of consistency in EU policy towards the Arab states? 3) What are the challenges facing the European Union in North Africa? 4) What part does the European Union play in the Middle East peace process – and what part should it play? 5) What is the European Union’s role in resolving the crisis in Syria? 6) What are the limitations of EU policy in Latin America? The article undertakes a comparative analysis and is based on analysis and criticism of source material

Author(s):  
Sindre Bangstad

This chapter discusses the life and work of Bat Ye’or (Gisèle Littman), who is widely seen as the doyenne of “Eurabia”-literature. This comes in different varieties and formulations, but in Bat Ye’or’s rendering refers to an ongoing secretive conspiracy which involves both the European Union and Muslim-majority countries in North Africa and the Middle East, aimed at establishing Muslim control over a future Europe or “Eurabia.” Though Bat Ye’or did not coin the term “Eurabia,” she can be credited with having popularized the concept through quasi-academic titles such as Eurabia: The Euro-Arab Axis and Europe, Globalization and the Coming Universal Caliphate. Through its dissemination on various “counter-jihadist” websites and in the work of the Norwegian counter-jihadist blogger Fjordman, her work inspired the Norwegian terrorist Anders Behring Breivik. She also has long-standing relations with Serbian ultranationalists, the Israeli Far Right, and various radical Right activists in Western Europe and the US.


Author(s):  
József Kis-Benedek

Povzetek: Leta 2016 in predvsem 2017 so se na kriznih območjih Bližnjega vzhoda in Severne Afrike pojavile nekatere pozitivne spremembe. Spodbuden dogodek je bila uspešna akcija iraških in pešmerskih sil, ki jih podpira zahodna koalicija, proti tako imenovani Islamski državi, katere rezultat je bila izguba ozemlja ekstremističnih organizacij. Avtor analizira vidike kriznih območij, in sicer Iraka, Sirije in Libije, ki se nanašajo na posledice nerešenega vprašanja migrantov. Poleg kriznih območij predstavlja tudi situacijo tujih borcev in varnostna tveganja, ki jih povzroča njihova vrnitev v domovino. Navaja ukrepe, ki so jih sprejele EU in njene države članice, da bi preprečile in obvladale grožnjo, ki jo predstavlja vračanje tujih borcev. Ključne besede: Bližnji vzhod, Evropska unija, migracije, Sirija, Libija, tuji borci. Abstract: In 2016, but mainly in 2017 some positive changes happened in the crisis areas of the Middle East and North Africa. Encouraging event was the successful actions of Iraqi and Peshmerga forces supported by the western coalition against the so called Islamic State, the result is the loss of territory of the extremist organizations. The author analyzes the perspectives of the crisis areas, namely Iraq, Syria and Libya, referring to the effects of the unresolved migrant issue. Besides the two crisis zones, he also presents the situation of foreign fighters and the security risks posed by their return. He specifies the measures taken by the EU and its member states to avert and handle the threat represented by returning foreign fighters. Key words: Middle-East, European Union, migration, Syria, Libya, foreign fighters.


2021 ◽  
pp. 10-35
Author(s):  
Raffaella A. Del Sarto

This chapter presents the conceptual framework of this study. It delves into the meaning and implications of adopting a borderlands approach to the study of the complex relationship between Europe and the Mediterranean Middle East and North Africa (MENA), Europe’s ‘southern neighbourhood’. Anchored in the conceptualization of the European Union and its member states as an empire of sorts, this approach highlights the extension of European rules and practices to Europe’s southern periphery and the dislocation of Europe’s borders, showing how interconnected the two regions have become as a result. The usefulness of this conceptual framework is also discussed in the context of various flaws and gaps in the existing literature.


2012 ◽  
pp. 5-10
Author(s):  
Anna Diawol

This paper examines some specific problem in Euro Mediterranean relation. Author decided to concentrate on two main issues: the characteristics of the institutions of the Union for the Mediterranean, indicating similarities and differences in the Euro-Mediterranean programs and the presentation of specific new initiatives. The author will also summarize the main possible positions in the ongoing debates about the need to reform the European Union addressed to the countries of North Africa and the Middle East.


Author(s):  
Toader FLUTUR

The issue of uncontrolled migration has produced an institutional transformation of the European Union, dictated by the need to find solutions to new challenges. The reform of migration and asylum policy had to enter the European public agenda at an accelerated pace and political leaders had to find the common will to create the right legislative framework to respond to the migration crisis. The most important migration route preferred by refugees and economic migrants, is the Mediterranean Sea which in recent years has experienced the most intense human trafficking but also the most deaths in such a short time. As a result of the popular riots in North Africa and the Middle East in 2011, the deteriorating political and social situation in the countries of origin, more and more citizens have left their native places in the hope of ensuring a better life in the European Union. In order to support the structural reforms needed by the two areas and even physical reconstruction if we refer to the Syrian case, the European Union must show active involvement and a coherent plan to curb the fluid sources of migration. Supporting the reconstruction of foundations or strengthening institutions, investment in aid programs to stimulate economies and strong agreements with the governments of the states of the Middle East and North Africa are just some of the measures that the European Union should take swiftly.


Author(s):  
Arantza Gomez Arana

This chapter covers the first stage of EU-Mercosur policy relations by focussing on the period of 1985 to 1990. At this stage, policy relations were not institutionalized. Policy relations began in 1985 for several reasons. Firstly, the European Union signed the Treaty of Accession of Spain and Portugal which meant the beginning in terms of a new direction in policy towards Latin America, including the Mercosur countries; this is a clear reflection of the creation of a “commitment” towards Latin America, although at a very low level due to the low “ambition” towards the region. Secondly, in 1985, Mercosur countries also started their own regional integration programme. This stage proved to be key in the development of EU-Mercosur relations because it established a new emphasis on EU policy towards Latin America by establishing channels for communication between the two regions, particularly through the development of the annual EU-Rio Group meetings; without this engagement, the EU and Mercosur would have not developed their relationship, and the fact that it came at this point helps to explain the events of the following stages. By the time Mercosur was officially launched in 1991, the EU was fully aware of the integration movement in South America thanks to these years of European Union-Latin America relations. In relation to the engagement of the European Union towards Mercosur, the conclusion comes from a low “ambition” and “commitment” on the European side. This stage of the policy shows the lowest engagement of the three stages. But this engagement is certainly superior to the pre-Iberian membership era.


2016 ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
Irina Kireeva

The article analyses extraregional aspects of Uruguay’s foreign policy during the presidency of José Mujica (2010-2015), namely the development of relations between Uruguay and the USA, the European Union, Russia and countries of Asia and Middle East such as China, India, Iran, Palestine and Israel. This aspect of Uruguayan foreign policy is particularly relevant amid the crisis in Mercosur, when Uruguay is trying to mitigate its adverse consequences for the country’s economy by expanding trade ties with the other countries, both within Latin America and beyond it. The relations between Uruguay and Latin American countries are touched upon in some investigations while Uruguay’s active foreign policy in other regions isn’t studied at all


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