scholarly journals Extra-regional aspects of Uruguay’s foreign policy (2010-2015

2016 ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
Irina Kireeva

The article analyses extraregional aspects of Uruguay’s foreign policy during the presidency of José Mujica (2010-2015), namely the development of relations between Uruguay and the USA, the European Union, Russia and countries of Asia and Middle East such as China, India, Iran, Palestine and Israel. This aspect of Uruguayan foreign policy is particularly relevant amid the crisis in Mercosur, when Uruguay is trying to mitigate its adverse consequences for the country’s economy by expanding trade ties with the other countries, both within Latin America and beyond it. The relations between Uruguay and Latin American countries are touched upon in some investigations while Uruguay’s active foreign policy in other regions isn’t studied at all

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (Extra-B) ◽  
pp. 297-304
Author(s):  
Elizaveta Andreevna Vinogradova ◽  
Marina Vladimirovna Kuznetsova

Nowadays the globalized world faces new challenges, for instance, trade and economic contradictions between the main actors of the world politics (the USA and China, the USA and the EU). Amid this situation, Latin America could play the card, add momentum to the cross-regional contacts and considerably benefit from it. Fostering relations with the EU serves the national interests of Latin American countries, since the EU investment and technologies can be the tools to modernize the economy. The EU is the leader in implementing harmonization between regions. The relations between the EU and Latin America can be considered as a model of hybrid interregionalism. While bilateral relations or the ties of the EU with subregional integration associations remain strong, the relations between the EU and the entire Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC) region are still underdeveloped, and countries have been trying to rectify it recently.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa Feline Freier ◽  
Jean-Pierre Gauci

Abstract The office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has identified a number of legislative good practices in Latin American asylum and refugee laws. At the same time, academics and policy-makers have long called for cross-regional comparative analyses of policies and laws to allow different regions to learn from each other’s best practices. In this article, we compare refugee legislations of Latin American countries with European Union protection standards based on UNHCR’s legislative good practices across three areas: (i) Core Principles and Scope of Protection; (ii) Procedural Safeguards and Guarantees for Vulnerable Groups; and (iii) Integration. We find that six of 19 refugee laws in Latin America provide more expansive protection than the Common European Asylum System framework, whereas other Latin American countries fall behind. The gap between Latin American legislations and European Union protection standards is closer regarding procedural safeguards, the protection of vulnerable groups, and integration provisions. Finally, Latin American countries, on average, score significantly below the European Union regarding the core principles of asylum and the scope of protection. In the second part of the article, we engage in a qualitative discussion of these legislative good practices to allow for cross-fertilization, and deliver policy recommendations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 907-914
Author(s):  
M. I. Garbart

The article covers the fundamentals of Chinese "soft power" in Latin America. "Soft power" now takes an important place in Chinese foreign strategy, both the international level and in Latin America. The author describes the main features of international relations between China and Latin-American countries. The paper focuses on the main sources of formation of positive image of China in the region. The study revealed that Chinese "soft power" has significantly strengthened in the region in recent years. At the same time, the author notes that it is still much weaker than that of the USA. In modern conditions, Chinese government is likely to seek more active application of new forms of international cooperation, promotion of "soft power" being one of them. The methodology of the research was based on the systematic approach, which means considering Chinese "soft power" as a part of the whole foreign policy of China. Theoretical and practical relevance of the study consists in that fact that it creates a basis for further research on this issue. The results can be used to forecast the development of Chinese foreign policy strategy, as well as to study the complex of relations between China and Latin American states.


2019 ◽  
pp. 54-58
Author(s):  
E. R. Novitskiy

Both the political and economic role of the Latin American region has increased significantly in the modern world. The largest Latin American countries have emerged as major regional players. In this regard, the analysis of the current foreign policy relations of the region is of particular interest and relevance for this research. Many key actors in the international arena are now paying increasing attention to the region. For a long time, the main partners of Latin American countries in various fields have been the USA and the European Union (EU), which have long historical ties with the region. However, against the backdrop of increased interest in the region on the part of other major international players, in particular China, the positions of both the US and the EU may have been weakened.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-802
Author(s):  
Alla Yu. Borzova ◽  
Arkadiy A. Eremin ◽  
Natalia V. Ivkina ◽  
Oleg K. Petrovich-Belkin

The article considers cooperation patterns between the European Union (EU) and CELAC (Community of Latin America and the Caribbean) in the context of creatively applying this experience to a broader topic of Russia - Latin America multilevel cooperation. The concept of sustainable development, which implies interaction in accordance with its three main dimensions: environmental, social and economic, is adopted on the global level. The interaction between EU and CELAC contributes to the progress in achieving the goals of sustainable development, where a lot of attention is paid to the green economy, alternative energy, and social aspects, since the environmental aspects constraints are providing the most significant impetus to structural changes in the existing development paradigm. This in return is expected to create a model that ensures economic growth based on a green economy, alternative energy, with greater equality and social inclusiveness. At supranational level in the European Union an effective and systemic policy has been formed in the field of nature conservation and combating climate change, which without a doubt can be considered one of the most progressive ones in the world, which creates potential for sharing these experiences with less developed and fortunate nations. European programs for Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries have become an important factor in the development of interregional cooperation in environmental protection, biodiversity conservation, and countering natural disasters. The article also focuses on the most recent changes that have occurred in the sphere of interaction between CELAC and EU in the context of COVID-19 pandemic. Massive structural and conceptual changes that have seriously reshaped the priorities and funding of joint programmers between two organizations reflects new priorities for sustainable development in general when it comes to new world realities in post-pandemic world, and could be useful for Russian model for the relations with this region.


Author(s):  
Sharon Pardo

Israeli-European Union (EU) relations have consisted of a number of conflicting trends that have resulted in the emergence of a highly problematic and volatile relationship: one characterized by a strong and ever-increasing network of economic, cultural, and personal ties, yet marked, at the political level, by disappointment, bitterness, and anger. On the one hand, Israel has displayed a genuine desire to strengthen its ties with the EU and to be included as part of the European integration project. On the other hand, Israelis are deeply suspicious of the Union’s policies and are untrusting of the Union’s intentions toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to the Middle East as a whole. As a result, Israel has been determined to minimize the EU’s role in the Middle East peace process (MEPP), and to deny it any direct involvement in the negotiations with the Palestinians. The article summarizes some key developments in Israeli-European Community (EC)/EU relations since 1957: the Israeli (re)turn to Europe in the late 1950s; EC-Israeli economic and trade relations; the 1980 Venice Declaration and the EC/EU involvement in the MEPP; EU-Israeli relations in a regional/Mediterranean context; the question of Israeli settlements’ products entering free of duty to the European Common Market; EU-Israeli relations in the age of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); the failed attempt to upgrade EU-Israeli relations between the years 2007 and 2014; and the Union’s prohibition on EU funding to Israeli entities beyond the 1967 borders. By discussing the history of this uneasy relationship, the article further offers insights into how the EU is actually judged as a global-normative actor by Israelis.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ye Mingque ◽  
Alena Slisava

<p>Nowadays non-tariff measures become more and more widely used. Russia is one of world largest importers of agri-products. In order to protect domestic production different non-tariff measures (NTMs) are used, which create difficulties for the exporters because NTMs are strict, changeable and difficult to deal with. This article analyses Russian non-tariff measures and their influence on the European Union exports of agri-products by using gravity model. The results show that Russian trade resistance is weaker for EU agricultural products exporters than for the USA exporters but stronger than for Chinese agricultural products exporters. The results do not prove that Russia’s NTMs have bigger impact on the EU exports than on the other countries’ exports such as India, Kyrgyz Republic, and the Ukraine. The NTM of such countries as China and Mexico also have much greater influence on the EU exports of agri-products than Russian NTMs.</p>


2015 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Verónica Baena

Purpose This study aims to enhance the knowledge that managers and scholars have on franchising expansion. In this sense, it is worth mentioning that although the body of literature on international management focusing on emerging markets is growing, the attention paid to the Latin American context continues to be limited. This is surprising given the substantive economic importance of the region with a population over 590 million, and a gross domestic product of approximately US$5 trillion. To cover this gap, the present study examines how a number of market conditions may drive diffusion of franchising into Latin America: geographical distance, cultural distance, political stability and economic development. The authors also controlled for the host country’s market potential, transparency, unemployment rate and efficiency of contract enforcement. Design/methodology/approach This study uses a quantitative approach applied to a sample of 77 Spanish franchisors operating through 4,064 franchisee outlets across 21 Latin American countries in late 2012. They are: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Bolivia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Puerto Rico, Uruguay and Venezuela. Findings Results conclude that geographical distance between the host and home countries, as well as the level of host country’s political stability, economic development, market potential and transparency are able to drive the spread of international franchising across Latin American nations. Research limitations/implications This study provides readers with a general overview of the current state of global franchising diffusion overseas. Results obtained in this study are useful for understanding and predicting the demand for franchising in Latin American countries. Practical implications Economics reports argue that by 2050, the largest economies in the world will be China, the USA, India, Brazil and Mexico. This fact highlights the substantive importance of Latin America for foreign investors willing to expand their business abroad. In an attempt to give insights from the Latin American context, the present paper develops and tests a model that can be useful to franchisors willing to establish new outlets in the region. In addition, our findings offer guidance to firm managers seeking to target their franchises in Latin America. Franchisors may then use the results of this study as a starting point for identifying such regions whose characteristics best meet their needs of expansion. Originality/value This paper explores how market conditions may drive international diffusion of franchising into Latin American markets. The scant theoretical or empirical attention given to this topic has usually been examined from the USA and British base and focused on developed markets. To fill this gap, the present study analyzes the international spread of the Spanish franchise system into Latin America as a market for franchising expansion.


2010 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Laitin

Social and political relations between Europe and the Muslim world are politically fractious. Attacks in Madrid (March 2004) and London (July 2005), and the riots in suburban Paris in November 2005 and November 2007, have all been attributed to “Muslims”. Political parties in Europe (for example the Front National in France, which placed second in the presidential elections of 2002), have mobilized opinion against a Muslim threat to Europe. Relations between the countries and societies of the European Union and the Muslim World have therefore become politically consequential on a number of dimensions – foreign policy in regard to the Middle East; new membership into the EU; and the vast migration of Muslim populations into EU states.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 993-1009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rohit Subhash Prabhudesai ◽  
Ch V V S N V Prasad ◽  
Boon Chuan Ang

This article seeks to determine the means by which European companies can make use of Latin European countries as a springboard to emerging markets in Latin America. For the sake of this study, Germany and Spain were used as the European and springboard countries, respectively. Cultural issues experienced by German companies in Asia have made it imperative for them to explore alternative emerging economies, such as Latin American countries. However, Latin America represents an equally risky opportunity through direct market entry owing to the cultural gap across the two regions. Given the interactions between members of the European Union and the cultural similarities between Spain and Latin America, the hypothesis of former being a cultural bridge was tested. The qualitative and quantitative cultural parameters across Germany, Spain and Latin America were compared and results showed that Spanish cultural experience can bridge the German–Latin American cultural gap.


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