scholarly journals Polityka państw bałtyckich wobec Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej i III Rzeszy na przełomie marca i kwietnia 1939 roku w ocenie wileńskiej ekspozytury oddziału II Sztabu Głównego Wojska Polskiego

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 359-367
Author(s):  
Tomasz Gajownik

Polish military intelligence had prepared a lot of analysis about political and military situations in the countries around the Republic of Poland. It was a kind of belaying towards potential Polish-German conflict. The issues of the Baltic States were interested a military intelligence’s field station in Vilnius. A few months before the Second World War has begun, Vilnius’s station prepared some analysis of domestic and foreign policy of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. One of them had discussed most important consequences of occupation of Klaipeda by German’s Wehrmacht. Additionally, in these documents, one can be read about multilateral policy of the Baltic Entente.

2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-461
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Harvey

During the Second World War, the Nazi regime sent thousands of German women to occupied Poland to work with the ethnic German population, comprising native ethnic Germans and resettlers from the Baltic states, eastern Poland and Romania. They were to be trained to act as model colonisers for the newly conquered territories. Meanwhile the non-German population was subjugated and terrorised. This article examines what German women witnessed in Poland and how far they can be seen as complicit in acts of violence and injustice committed against Poles and Jews. To what extent did a gendered division of labour prevent women actively being involved in or witnessing acts committed against the Polish and Jewish populations? Did a construct of ‘womanly work’ help women to ‘look away’ from the evidence of oppression and persecution?


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-109
Author(s):  
Ramojus Kraujelis

The fate of Lithuania and Romania as well as future of the whole Central and Eastern European region was determined in the years of the Second World War. The common origin of their tragic and painful history was the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact – the secret deal between Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, which divided Central and Eastern Europe between two totalitarian regimes. In June 1940 the three Baltic States and a part of Romania were directly occupied and annexed by the Soviet Union. The main objective of this paper is to identify, analyze and compare the attitudes of the United States and Great Britain with respect to the annexation of the Baltic States and the Romania territory and discussed the post-war future reserved to them. During the early years of the Second Word War (1940-1942) few interesting international discussions about possible post-war arrangement plans existed. The analysis of the Western attitude would enable us to give answers to certain questions: What could have been done by the Western states for the benefit of Central and Eastern European region; what have they, in fact, done and what did they avoid doing? The year 1943 witnessed the consolidation of the Western attitude with regard to Soviet Union’s western borders, which resulted in the fundamental fact that Moscow did not intend to retract its interests in the Baltic States, Eastern Poland, North Bucovina and Bessarabia while the West did not intend to fight for these territories. Considering the fact that at the Teheran conference (1943) the Western states agreed upon turning the Baltic states into a Soviet interest sphere, the United States and Britain entered the Yalta conference (1945) with no illusions as to the fate of Central and Eastern Europe in general.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-160
Author(s):  
Zenonas Butkus

The aim of this article is to examine the attitudes of the Soviet Union and Germany towards the problem of Vilnius in the period between the First and Second World Wars. The article is based mainly on unpublished documents from Lithuanian, Latvian, Estonian, German and Soviet archives. The problem under review emerged after the First World War, when Poland occupied the capital of Lithuania, Vilnius, and kept it under its control almost until the Second World War. Lithuania refused to recognize the situation, and between the two countries there arose a conflict, which was instigated by the Soviet Union and Germany, as they did not want the Baltic States and Poland to create a defence union. The Soviet Union and Germany worked hand in hand in dealing with this conflict. In the process of its regulation they acquired quite an extensive experience in diplomatic co-operation, which they applied successfully in establishing the spheres of their influence in the Baltic States in 1939.


Author(s):  
Artem Fylypenko

The article presents a comparative analysis of the Transnistrian conflict of 1990-1992 and the Ukrainian-Russian conflict in 2014-2018. The similarities and differences between the two conflicts are analyzed. It is proved that the scenario under which events in the Donbas are developing is very similar to the events in Transnistria in 1990-1992, in particular, through the use of linguistic issues for the emergence of confrontation, the provision of military and political support, including through the involvement of irregular formations , direct intervention of armed units of the regular Russian army in war. Particular attention is paid to the methods of information warfare against Moldova in the early 90's. The similarity of these methods with those used by Russia in the information war against Ukraine is shown, in particular: 1) dehumanization of the enemy, dissemination of information about its cruelty and inhumanity; 2) manipulation of historical facts; 3) representation of the struggle against separatism as the aggression of one state against the other; 4) appeal. to the events of the Second World War; 5) the statement that foreign troops are fighting on the side of government forces; 6) attempts to present separatist movements as "popular". The conclusions state that the Transnistrian conflict of 1990-1992, as well as the occupation of Crimea and the conflict in the East of Ukraine in 2014-2018, are part of Russia's overall strategy to preserve the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine in its sphere of influence. The ultimate goal of this strategy is the reintegration of separatist enclaves under conditions favorable to Russia, namely: the ability to influence foreign policy, change foreign policy priorities (rejection of the course on European and Euro-Atlantic integration), preservation of dependence on supplies of Russian energy carriers. Key words: Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Transnistria, Transnistria conflict, Ukrainian-Russian conflict, Donbass


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