SOVIET-CHINESE COOPERATION IN THE FIELD OF SPORTS AFTER THE NORMALIZATION OF BILATERAL RELATIONS ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE IRKUTSK REGION

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-149
Author(s):  
A.V. Surzhko ◽  

The article examines the main aspects of Soviet-Chinese cooperation in the field of sports after the normalization of bilateral relations in the late 1980s — early 1990s. Sport was one of the factors that contributed to overcoming the consequences of the thirty-year split between the USSR and the PRC at the state, regional and informal levels. During this period, the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China actively exchanged numerous sports delegations, adopting each other's successful experience in organizing and conducting competitions, as well as training athletes. In the USSR, Chinese national sports were popularized, primarily wushu and ping-pong. More traditional for the Soviet side was football, matches in which Soviet and Chinese athletes repeatedly played. Also, the article reveals some economic aspects of sports bilateral cooperation. A common thing for this period was the conclusion of various kinds of agreements and contracts at the interregional level, including those related to the sports component. The personal role of regional party functionaries, sports officials and athletes in the development of Soviet-Chinese relations is shown. There is a certain continuity between the perestroika period and the "golden age" of Soviet-Chinese cooperation in the 1950s. The experience of cooperation in sports gained at the end of perestroika had a beneficial effect on the development of Russian-Chinese relations in the 1990s. The study is carried out on the example of the Irkutsk region, which, due to objective reasons, has developed long-term and strong relations with a number of Chinese cities. The main source of the research was the Irkutsk regional periodicals.

1989 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 103-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arturo Tosi

In the past two decades bilingual education has become an educational movement and a field of academic inquiry of remarkable growth throughout the world. At first glance this appears to be the outcome of the increasingly hegemonic role of a few languages like English in the western world and countries economically affiliated to it, Russian in the multilingual republics of the Soviet Union, and Putonghua in the People's Republic of China. But a closer look at the first of these areas—the one better known to us—shows how complex the dynamics of language spread and language change are in diverse sociopolitical contexts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
N.R. Novoseltsev ◽  
◽  
A.V. Surzhko ◽  

The article examines the main aspects of cooperation between the USSR and the PRC in the field of physical culture and sports in the «golden age» of Soviet-Chinese relations in the 1950s. Sport has become one of the factors that contributed to active bilateral cooperation between the two countries. The Soviet Union, as an “elder brother”, provided the young People’s Republic of China with comprehensive assistance in the development of national physical culture and sports, shared experience, and also sent and received numerous sports delegations. The beginning of the Soviet-Chinese split for a long time suspended cooperation between the two countries, including in the sports field, which was resumed only in the 1980s.


2020 ◽  
pp. 55-88
Author(s):  
Arunabh Ghosh

This chapter focuses on the theoretical and ideological justification of socialist statistical work. It also provides an assessment of Soviet technical aid and introduces the Soviet statistical experts who were instrumental in helping organize statistical activity in the People's Republic of China (PRC). The chapter first uncovers and understands the socialist critique of statistics and, second, analyzes the role of the Soviet statistical experts who spent time in China and who were instrumental in the rise of socialist statistics to a position of epistemological and administrative dominance. It provides a discussion of the 1950s (or, more accurately, the years after 1945) as a period when the imperative to ascertain social fact took on added urgency throughout the world. There existed, however, competing approaches to ascertaining social fact. The chapter thus moves on to the rise of socialist statistics, in particular its rise in the Soviet Union (USSR), and contrasts it with other approaches to statistics. It then explores the Soviet experts who spent extended periods of time in the PRC, examining the variety of ways—teaching, translation of textbooks, and consultation—by which their expertise was mobilized by the Chinese as it sought to disseminate a correct understanding and implementation of socialist statistics.


Author(s):  
Juliane Fürst

Hippies in the late Soviet Union appeared to many like creatures from a different star. Yet, a closer look reveals that the history of this movement has both short- and long-term precedents, which range from early revolutionary ideals to the generation of beatniks and Beatles fans, who were only slightly older than the wave of hippie youngsters that appeared in the late 1960s all across the Soviet Union. The introduction also situates the topic of Soviet hippies both within the history of the global hippie movement as well as in the context of late Soviet life and reality. A separate discussion is devoted to the methodology of oral history and the role of the subjective authorial voice. The introduction concludes with the overall argument of the book that the worlds of hippies and late socialism were not incompatible but in a bizarre way a good fit to each other that shaped the character of both.


1965 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 31-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Feuerwerker

It will be evident to a reader of historical works produced in the People's Republic of China that this article, in the choice of subject-matter and in its treatment, is decidedly influenced by the current domestic and foreign political “line” of the Communist Party and Government. This is a relative matter, not absolute, but I would suggest that the dominant “class viewpoint” of the first decade of the Peking régime which produced an anonymous history of dynasties without “feudal” emperors or bureaucrats, literature minus the landlord-scholar-official literatus and nameless peasant rebellions as the central matter of China's history, was to a degree correlated with the process of the internal consolidation of power which may more or less be said to have been accomplished with the completion of the collectivisation of agriculture. The more recent “historicist” trend, which while not rejecting entirely its predecessor concentrates on what may be “positively inherited” from the “feudal” past, represents a quickening of Chinese nationalism fanned to a red-hot intensity, one cannot resist the temptation to conjecture, by the increasingly severe quarrel with the Soviet Union. Soviet Russian commentary on recent Chinese historiography, for example, accuses the Chinese of the “introduction of dogmatic, anti-Marxist and openly nationalistic and racist views.” The Chinese, for their now relatively favourable view of the thirteenth-century Mongol conquests (which are seen as calamitous by the Russians and other Europeans), for their claim that Chinese “feudalism” is the classical model of this historical phenomenon, and because they exaggerate the role of Confucian ideas and their influence on Western philosophy, are roundly condemned by the Russians for “bourgeois nationalism.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-50
Author(s):  
L. M. Ravandi-Fadai

The article examines the features of Soviet-Iranian and further Russian-Iranian relations, starting with the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979 to the present. The paper reveals the main stages and events in bilateral relations with particular emphasis on bilateral cooperation on the issue of Syria and the consideration of Iran’s interests in this country, including economic ones. The author attempts to determine the grade of the achieved bilateral relations established at soviet times as confrontational, although in the very last years of the existence of the Soviet Union they began to improve. The tendency to improve and intensify relations continued after the collapse of the USSR. However, Russian-Iranian relations at the present stage, on the whole, cannot be characterized as allied. Although in the case of Syria, one can indeed observe their alliance, nevertheless, in general, relations between Russia and Iran keep far from being deep enough, and in a number of cases in recent decades there has been rivalry or even conflict between the two countries, as, for example, in the issuance of Russia’s refusal to supply Iran with air S-300 defense systems. Nevertheless, given the external pressure on both countries, along with the growing attention to traditional values, there is a certain likelihood of expanding and deepening Russian-Iranian relations to the level of allies.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Priscilla Roberts ◽  
Steven I. Levine ◽  
Péter Vámos ◽  
Deborah Kaple ◽  
Jeremy Friedman ◽  
...  

This forum includes six commentaries on Lorenz M. Lüthi's book The Sino-Soviet Split: Cold War in the Communist World, published by Princeton University Press in 2008. Drawing on recently declassified documents and memoirs from numerous countries, Lüthi explains how and why the close alliance between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China fell apart in a remarkably short time, dissolving into fierce mutual enmity. Amassing a wealth of evidence, Lüthi stresses the role of ideology in the split, lending support to the arguments put forth nearly five decades ago by analysts like Donald Zagoria in his pioneering book on the Sino-Soviet rift. Six leading experts on Chinese foreign policy and Sino-Soviet relations discuss the strengths of Lüthi's book but also raise questions about some interpretations and omissions. The forum includes Lüthi's reply to the commentaries.


Author(s):  
Richard A. Moss

The Sino-Soviet conflict, which first surfaced in the late 1950s and degenerated into armed border clashes in 1969, proved to be the main catalyst for Sino-American rapprochement. The China question almost immediately entered into the dialogue of the Kissinger-Dobrynin channel. Publicly, the Nixon administration said it would pursue relationships with both the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China. Privately, Nixon and Kissinger hoped to play the Soviets and the Chinese off each other—the concept of triangular diplomacy. Triangular diplomacy had less to do with the concrete and crude move of playing the powers off each other than it did with trying to influence the perceptions and emotions of Communist leaders. The documentary record suggests that it was only after Sino-American rapprochement had been set in motion in April-May 1971, with the Chinese Ping Pong diplomacy and the secret traffic through the Pakistani channel, that U.S. policymakers began to talk of playing the Communist powers off one another for American advantage.


2020 ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Pavlo Kirpenko

The article is devoted to the international situation in Europe and USSR’s foreign policy before and after the outbreak of World War II. The author states that from the very begin¬ning the fascist regime in Germany was favourably received by Stalin’s USSR. Hitler also claimed that the German government was ready to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union. However, such a situation in the bilateral relations was short-lived. Seeking benevolence from Western European countries, Hitler assumed the role of an anti-communist crusader. With a view to strengthening the country’s security, countering Germany and fascism, Stalin gave up his ideological dogmas in line with the situation. Moscow came to vigorously support all politi¬cal forces, which were advocating closer relations with the USSR against fascism. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Stalin’s foreign policy suffered a total collapse, which was a devastating blow to the myth of his brilliance and sagacity. The glorification of fascism and the policy of its befriending came at a cost. Nearly 50 million Soviet citizens per¬ished in the war against the fascist Germany, of which 10 million were Ukrainian nationals. In Russia, both public officials and scholars still avoid the truth about the foreign policy activity of the Soviet leadership in 1939 and 1940s. In this regard, the Ukrainian histo¬rian and specialist in international relations, professor at Kyiv Pedagogical University Anatolii Trubaichuk was the first in the Soviet Union to tell the truth in his writings and lectures about the essence of the Soviet foreign policy before and after the beginning of World War II based on his profound scientific research. The author stresses that the search for full truth is to be continued. To that end, it is neces¬sary that all the archives in Russia be opened and access to documents relating to the period of World War II be provided. Keywords: World War II, foreign policy, Soviet Union, Stalin, Germany.


2018 ◽  
pp. 110-129

A decade before official 'ping pong diplomacy', leaders in the People's Republic of China (PRC) used sports delegation visits to cultivate diplomatic relations with recently decolonized nations. In the early 1960s, the Sino-Soviet split, the rise of various Afro-Asian movements, and decolonization in Africa led to intense Sino-Soviet competition for socialist influence in the Third World. Officially presented to the Chinese public as “friendly” sports exchanges, PRC leaders sought to expand their influence and prove that Chinese socialism under Mao as an alternative (and superior) model to that of the Soviet Union. The chapter, based primarily on declassified official reports from Chinese archives, begins with the first major PRC sports delegation sent to Africa in 1962, a contingent of well-known ping pong athletes. The visit helped Chinese leaders gather knowledge on new allies, officially express shared historical and political solidarities against colonialism and imperialism, and, through sport, demonstrate China's achievements through socialism. These visits sought to build diplomatic ties while promoting and shoring up support - foreign as well as domestic - for a Chinese brand of socialism that professed an alternative, non-Soviet path to socialist modernity.


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